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TITLE: Arafat's Biggest Headache |
AUTHOR: Zvi Bar'el |
PUB: Ha'aretz |
DATE: December 26, 2000 |
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Palestinian Chairman Yasser Arafat took advantage of his most recent visit to the Jordanian capital Amman to undergo a periodic examination by his doctor, Ashraf Al Kurdi, a neurologist of international renown. His doctor said his patient should rest more because he is under great stress. Arafat, 71, is not heeding his doctor's advice. Immediately following his visit to Amman, he flew to Bethlehem to participate in the Christmas celebrations, and then left for Cairo for a two-hour meeting with Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak. Arafat has good reason to be tense. He is facing one of the most difficult decisions in his life, and only he can make the choice. The right of return is propelling Arafat on a collision course, not just with his people, the refugees in the camps of the West Bank and Gaza, but also with the rest of the Arab states. As far as Arafat is concerned, this is a bigger problem than the issue of Jerusalem. Whereas he can bring diplomatic pressure from the Arab and Muslim world to bear on Israel and the U.S. on the Jerusalem question, the issue of the refugees is solely a Palestinian problem. Not a single Arab leader has demanded that Arafat not relinquish the right of return, nor was he ever chastised for his intentions to reach a compromise on the issue. Arab states, especially Jordan and Lebanon, fear that Arafat will reach an agreement with Israel, leaving nearly 2 million Palestinian refugees on their soil. Lebanon has already announced this week that it will not allow the question of the refugees to be solved at "the expense of the national rights of the Lebanese people." Jordan's prime minister made it clear, three months ago, that his country is unwilling to absorb any more Palestinian refugees. As far as they are concerned, the refugees can either move to Palestine, when it is established, or find a place in Europe, Australia or elsewhere. On the other hand, Arafat realizes that even if he gives up the right of return, he is in a bind. Assuming he manages to overcome domestic opposition, especially among the refugees in the territories, and even if he unilaterally declares an independent state, the minute such a state exists, the refugees will demand the right to be absorbed there. Certainly, the Arab states hosting them will be eager to point the way to the Palestinian state, their brotherly obligations completed. However, this is more than just a matter of ethical responsibility, because Arafat lacks the resources to meet the economic and social needs of the refugees. Jordan, Syria and Lebanon are wary of a possible popular Palestinian uprising, if these refugees realize they have nothing to go back to, no dream, no economic opportunity. Jordan is particularly worried that Palestinian refugees may be driven from Lebanon and Syria into its territory, the only direct link with the Palestinian state. In short, as one Jordanian commentator put it, "Arafat may find himself the most hated man in the Arab world." One possible solution is that Arafat could find a formula which releases Israel from the historical responsibility for the creation of the refugee problem, while presenting an appropriate compensation arrangement which will enable the Palestinian state to absorb and fund the rehabilitation of the refugees. Some have already suggested that Arafat adopt a similar stance to the one adopted by Israel toward Germany. However, that still leaves the obstacle of Israel's adamant refusal to accept any responsibility for the creation of the refugee problem. END |