~~~~~~~~1world media ~ ~~~~~~~~~* ~
You can now translate this site into French, German, Italian, Portuguese, and Spanish.
"We have decided to unite in our desire to live, and therefore we have begun to convince an elder spirit to protect Ruira (oil) to take care of our Kera Chicara (sacred land) and to save us all from the final destruction when instead of water we'll drink oil, when the earth will have been completely bled dry and the heart, in which our people live, doesn't beat anymore, and when we will no longer be there singing and dancing to the sound of those heartbeats."
-U'wa Pueblo, August 1998
Fiction of War, a doumentary by Sheila Franklin, on the human rights situation in Colombia. If you would like to order a copy or obtain more information about this video, please click here.
ARCHIVE ARTICLES (APRIL - OCT. 00)
Urgent Action! Protect Community Leaders In Barrancabermeja, Colombia Support Network ~ Feb. 21, 2001
Colombia Ultra-Right Warlord Talks of U.S. Covert Ops, by Karl Penhaul ~ Dec. 19
Colombian Hitman Says Paramilitaries Ordered Murder of Journalist, AFP ~ Dec. 13
Colombians Do Not Need Help Like This, by Isabel Hilton ~ June 21
Colombia Info in Brief, U.S./Colombia Coordinating Office ~ Dec. 8
Grassroots Pressure Forces Fidelity Investments To Dump 60% of Their Oxy Stock! ~ Dec. 8
The 'Vietnamisation' of Latin America, By Dick Nichols ~ Dec. 6
Military Aid . . . From the Private Sector, By Paul De La Garza and David Adams ~ Dec. 3
Senator Paul Wellstone Takes The Lead Against 'Plan Colombia', By Andrew Selsky ~ Dec. 2
Colombian "Assassination" Attempt on Wellstone Smells Like Ruse ~ Dec. 1
Urgent Action Needed to Counter Rep. Dan Burton Charges Against Colombian Human Rights Organizations, By Martha ~ Dec. 1
Colombia's Environment a Casualty in U.S. War on Drugs, By Brian Hansen ~ Nov. 20
Report to the UN Human Rights Commission, Luis Narvaez ~ Nov. 2000
Urgent Action: El Santuario, Marinilla and Granada Municipalities, Antioquia Department, Amnesty International ~ Nov. 6
U.S. Oil Co. Drills Near Indian Land, Jared Kotler ~ November 3
ARCHIVE ARTICLES (APRIL - OCT. 00)
Urgent Action! Protect Community Leaders In Barrancabermeja
February 21, 2001
Since December 22, the city of Barrancabermeja, located just south of the proposed demilitarized zone between the government and the ELN guerrillas in the Middle Magdalena region, has experienced massive paramilitary invasion. Particularly targeted in this invasion are poor and displaced residents and community, social, and human rights leaders.
On January 23, the AUC paramilitaries cut the phone lines of Comuna 7, on the outskirts of Barrancabermeja, leaving 18,000 people without phone service. Since that time, the paramilitaries have targeted the population of Comuna 7, calling mandatory meetings, forcing residents to sign statements in opposition to community organizations, and threatening all those who don't comply.
On Friday, February 16, the paramilitaries began circulating a list of community leaders who are considered paramilitary targets. This list contained the names of seven (7) community leaders, including teachers, health care workers, unionists, and members of the local government.
On Saturday, February 17, one of the men whose names was on this list, OMAR VERA LUNA, was temporarily detained at a roadblock organized on Friday in opposition to the demilitarized zone. Mr. VERA was released only when a prominent Colombian human rights worker, accompanied by several visiting French bishops, approached the regional police commander and demanded that Mr. VERA be released. Mr. VERA was returned to his home on Saturday evening, where he spent the night with his wife, two young daughters, and Colombian and international observers.
On Sunday morning, paramilitaries went to Mr. VERA's house three times in order to threaten him, each time leaving because of the presence of international observers. During one of these encounters, the paramilitaries stated that THEY HAD TO KILL MR. VERA OR ELSE THEY WOULD BE KILLED.
On Sunday afternoon, human rights workers moved Mr. Vera and his family out of their house to afford them greater protection elsewhere. However, Mr. Vera wants to return to his home and the human rights community asserts his rights to remain in his house with state protection.
WHAT CAN YOU DO?
Contact Colombian and U.S. officials to:
*Express fear for the safety of Mr. Vera and other community leaders whose names appear below
*Announce outrage that the Colombian State has not taken concrete actions to protect the lives of the citizens of Barrancabermeja, such as fixing the phone lines in Comuna 7 or guaranteeing the protection of threatened leaders who return to their homes.
*Urge both Colombian and U.S. officials publicly recognize the legitimacy of popular leaders, human rights workers and other targeted citizens in Barrancabermeja to continue their work without threats or harassment.
*Demand that the Colombian government take immediate action to sever the active ties between the paramilitaries, military and police force, as such ties are being demonstrated in Barrancabermeja.
*Request consistent and reliable protection for community leaders such as Mr. Vera, who wish to return to their homes and remain in Barrancabermeja.
Threatened Community Leaders from Comuna 7, Barrancabermeja
Andres Manuel Aldana Berrio
Angel Miguel Solano Orostegui
Benjamin Ortega Perez
Omar Vera Luna
Julian Penaloza Centero
Flor Maria Solano Orostegui
Olga Maria Tolosa Hernandez
Who to contact:
(In Colombia)
* President Andres Pastrana
Phone: (1) 284-3300 Fax: (1) 286-7434 (1) 286-6842
* Vice-President Gustavo Bell
Phone: (1) 341-8364
* General Fernando Tapias Stahelin
Comandante de las Fuerzas Militares
Phone (1) 222 2935 Fax (1) 222 2935 e-mail: mapi_7@mixmail.com
* Major Augustin Rodriguez
Comandante de la Flotilla Fluvial del Magdalena Medio (Barrancabermeja)
Phone: (7) 620-9271 Fax: (7)620-9266
* Col. Hernan Dario Moreno Belez
Comandante Bat. Nueva Granada (Barrancabermeja)
Phone: (7)622-3348 Fax: (7) 622-9425
* Ten. Col. Jose Miguel Billar Jimenez
Policia Nacional (Barrancabermeja)
Phone: (7) 621-3780 Fax: (7) 622-9553
(In the US)
* Secretary Colin Powell
Secretary of State
Phone: (202) 647-6575 Fax: (202) 647-7120
* Ambassador Anne Patterson
U.S. Ambassador to Colombia
Phone: (1) 315-2112 Fax: (1) 315-2038
e-mail: pattersonaw@usembassy.gov
P.O. Box 1505
Madison, WI 53701-1505
608/257-8753 (voice) 608/255-6621 (fax) e-mail: csn@igc.org
END
Colombia Ultra-Right Warlord Talks of U.S. Covert Ops
by Karl Penhaul, Common Dreams ~ Dec. 19
Colombia's most-feared death squad leader has alleged that U.S. anti-narcotics agents sought to enlist his outlaw paramilitary gang to combat drug traffickers, raising fresh fears of U.S. covert operations in this war-torn Andean nation. In a television interview late Wednesday, Carlos Castano, leader of the 5,000-member, ultra-right United Self-Defense Forces of Colombia (AUC), said the U.S. Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA) asked him to force Colombian drug traffickers to surrender to U.S. justice. The plan, he said, was also a way of eroding the economic mainstay of powerful Marxist rebel factions, whom U.S. and Colombian authorities accuse of funding a long-running uprising with proceeds from the booming cocaine and heroin trade.
In Washington on Thursday, the DEA declined to comment on the allegations, which came less than two months after U.S. Congress approved a record $1.3 billion package of mostly military aid to help Colombia fight the drug trade and guerrillas.``The (U.S.) DEA...sent me a message and through that there was a possibility of ending narco-trafficking in Colombia,'' Castano said Wednesday, speaking with RCN television in his stronghold in northern Cordoba province. ``I received a call saying the DEA was opening the doors so that Colombian drug traffickers could surrender to U.S. justice and... it needed a significant force in Colombia that would induce these people to take that decision,'' added the ultra-right warlord, who swapped his trademark combat fatigues for a white knitted sweater and drab green pants. At a news conference in Washington, State Department spokesman Richard Boucher said State Department officials had ''no intention of soliciting his (Castano's) help'' but did not address claims against the DEA.
US Covert Operations
Some U.S. officials have accused Castano of funding his anti-guerrilla crusade with drug money and insist he has heavy backing from the military in his ``dirty war'' against suspected leftist sympathizers. In practice, however, President Andres Pastrana has done little to track him down. The RCN interview with Castano coincided with a visit to Colombia by a high-level U.S. delegation, including White House anti-drug chief Barry McCaffrey and Undersecretary of State Thomas Pickering. President Clinton plans to visit Colombia on Aug. 30. The U.S. aid package has fueled fears that Washington could be dragged deep into Colombia's civil conflict that has cost 35,000 lives in just the last 10 years.
Castano's comments renewed suspicion that U.S. agencies have been carrying out secret operations behind the back of the Colombian government and the U.S. Congress.``There are serious concerns about the nature of the U.S. engagement and fears about covert operations and escalating paramilitary activity,'' said Winifred Tate, Colombia specialist at the non-governmental Washington Office on Latin America (WOLA). Allegations, though hard to prove, about U.S. covert operations in Colombia are not new.
DEA agents were suspected of forging a covert alliance linking the Cali drug cartel, Castano's paramilitary gunmen and Colombian security forces to combat Pablo Escobar's Medellin cocaine cartel in the late 1980s and early 1990s. Washington-based Human Rights Watch has also accused U.S. military intelligence officials of helping Colombia set up the forerunners of today's illegal paramilitary groups in the late 1960s and early 1970s.
END
Colombian Hitman Says Paramilitaries Ordered Murder of Journalist
AFP ~ Dec. 13
A self-described hit man in the pay of right-wing paramilitaries told a private Caracol television channel that he carried out the high-profile murder of journalist and satirist Jaime Garzon in August 1999. His confession came just as another Colombian journalist, Alfredo Abad, was assassinated at dawn Wednesday as he left his home in the southern town of Florencia, local mayor ucrecia Murcia said. Abad, 36, was attacked as he was on his way to Radio Caracol's station in Florencia, the capital of the southern department of Caqueta, some 750 kilometers (465 miles) south of Bogota.
Murcia said a police operation was underway to find the killers and discover the motive for the shooting. Abad was the second journalist to be killed in Florencia in the last 13 days. On December 1, radio reporter Guillermo Leon Agudelo was stabbed to death, apparently by thieves demanding money. Like Abad, Agudelo, 47, worked for Radio Caracol's Voice of the Jungle program.The interviewed gunman, claiming to be one of the top men in a group known as the "Terrace Gang," said Garzon's death was ordered and paid for by the head of the paramilitary Self-Defense Units of Colombia (AUC) Carlos Castano.
While he admitted pulling the trigger -- from a motorcycle in Bogota, the man said his group was not happy with the job, but that it came under pressure to do it."We didn't do it for money, but under pressure. I must admit, we did it through cowardice," the source said, adding that since the murder his group and the AUC broke off relations. The gunman, who said Castano paid 13,000 dollars for the hit, spoke with Caracol Television in the northeastern city of Medellin. He appeared on air wearing a ski mask and surrounded by several heavily armed individuals.
The Terrace Gang, he said, also murdered human rights activists Jesus Maria Ovalle, Eduardo Umana and Hernan Henao between 1997 and 1999.Castano had also ordered those hits, the alleged gunman said, adding that his group kept the weapon used in both murders as "key evidence" and would be willing to turn it over to the Attorney General's office as long as gang members received preferential treatment by the justice system. After the interview, Attorney General Alfonso Gomez told Caracol that the hitman's statement "must be taken with a pinch of salt since they come from an outlaw."
Garzon, 39, was one of Colombia's most popular journalists and had played an active role in the peace process in this country wracked by civil war for nearly four decades. He was gunned down by two men on a motorbike while on his way to work at Radionet radio station. He had belonged to a civilian committee dedicated to keeping channels of communication open between President Andres Pastrana's conservative government and leftist rebel groups, for which he was publicly threatened by Castano. Altogether six journalists have been killed in Colombia this year. Journalists here are frequently threatened by right-wing paramilitaries, leftist guerrillas, drug traffickers and hired gunmen, authorities have said.
END
Colombians Do Not Need Help Like This
by Isabel Hilton, GUARDIAN ~ June 21
America says it's intensifying the war on drugs. Meeting in London this week, senior officials from the EU, the US and Japan were discussing how much backing they should give to an aid package for Colombia. Colombia certainly needs assistance. The question is whether the help on offer will make matters better or worse. Just to recap on what ails Colombia: an undeclared civil war that has lasted 30 years, displacing up to 40% of the population. Last year there were 402 massacres, many committed by paramilitary gangs working in conjunction with the Colombian army, others by guerrilla forces. The government has effectively ceded a third of the country - mainly the south - to the FARC, the largest guerrilla army, with whom it has initiated peace talks. Oh, and there's cocaine, of course - a trade that keeps the war going, corrupts the government and the judiciary and ensures the attention of the US.
That might be a good thing, except that it is the wrong kind of attention. The document under consideration in London is called Plan Colombia. President Andres Pastrana first announced it as a development plan for his country when he visited Washington two years ago, shortly after his election. Even before taking office, Pastrana had flown to meet rebel leaders - showing that he wanted to negotiate and that he acknowledged that a real end to violence required social justice. Social justice, in turn, demands development, and the plan he brought to Washington was a collection of economic and social programmes that he hoped would transform the areas in conflict. He called it a Marshall plan for southern Colombia, hoping that his country's patent need would elicit a generous response.
In the event, the international community pledged nothing to the plan. The US, however, offered to expand military assistance for counter-narcotics operations until, last year, Colombia became the world's third-largest recipient of US military aid. Meanwhile, Plan Colombia has been redrafted. Social and economic concerns come last. Top of the list is more military aid aimed, the US would have us believe, at suppressing the cocaine trade.
There are two problems with this. Firstly, all the many wars that have been declared on drugs have ended in defeat. Secondly, the areas that the US proposes to target are, funnily enough, those controlled by the FARC, or, as Washington calls them, the narco-terrorists. There is no mention of counter-narcotics operations against the paramilitaries - despite the fact that the DEA itself described Carlos Castano, the self-proclaimed leader of the paramilitary death squads, as a trafficker linked to a powerful cartel.
The redrafted Plan Colombia has little to do with Pastrana's vision and everything to do with the US desire to get involved in counter-insurgency in Colombia. The role of the EU would be to pay to alleviate some of the suffering this would cause. Latin America hands are thinking they have seen something like this before. Where else did the US pour vast sums into a corrupt army working closely with psychopathic death squads? Where else did it pretend to believe that the men who shot dead an archbishop as he celebrated mass had nothing to do with government security forces? Twenty years on, have lessons been learned from El Salvador?
Apparently not. There are already US "advisers" in Colombia in numbers that are beginning to reach El Salvador levels. Evidence collected by the New York based Human Rights Watch links half of Colombia's 18 brigade-level army units to paramilitary activity. These units operate throughout the country, including areas in receipt of US military aid. In 1997, 1998, and 1999, the Colombian government's own investigations demonstrated that army officers worked closely with paramilitary groups, sharing intelligence, carrying out joint operations and supplying weapons. Their targets included human rights workers and academics who had documented atrocities. The officers named remain in their posts. Nowhere in the latest version of Plan Colombia is there mention of curbing paramilitary activity or bringing to justice those responsible for civilian massacres and disappearances.
What will be the result of Plan Colombia? The US estimates it will create another 10,000 refugees. Aid agencies believe there could be 10 times that. Aerial spraying of coca with herbicides and bacteriological agents will destroy legitimate crops, create more forced migrants and wreak ecological damage - all without denting the traffic one iota. US helicopter manufacturers, on the other hand, think it is a fine idea. Tony Blair has also expressed enthusiasm for the plan and offered to mobilise EU support. For Colombia's sake, I hope he changes his mind.
END
Colombia Info in Brief, U.S./Colombia Coordinating Office ~ Dec. 8
__________________________________
Included below, you will find:
· Information on important mobilizations to support peace and human rights in Colombia on December 10, international Human Rights Day
· An Important ACTION ALERT to support these events by promoting human rights in Colombia and stopping certification of U.S. human rights conditions on U.S. Plan Colombia
_____________________________
INTERNATIONAL HUMAN RIGHTS DAY
_____________________________
On December 9th and 10th, in honor of International Human Rights Day (December 10), civil society organizations throughout Colombia concerned with escalating violence will hold a series of events to "escalate the peace." They are asking their government, the guerrilla forces and the international community to join with them in a renewed effort to cease hostilities and revive the fragile peace process. They are asking the US and the Colombian governments to suspend fumigation and military activities for one hundred days to give peace efforts a time to take root.
EVENTS IN COLOMBIA:
+Barrancabermeja, Colombia+
The Regional Corporation for Human Right (CREDHOS), a human rights organization located in Barrancabermeja, Colombia and the Coordinación Colombia-Europa-Estados Unidos, a coalition of 70 human rights organizations in Colombia, will sponsor "For life and Human Rights: Guaranteeing Life with Justice and Rights," an event in Barrancabermeja. The event will be similar to an event on September 29-30, where human rights organizations in Barrancabermeja asked the government to show support for those under attack in the Magdalena Medio region -- invited government officials did not attend. Both regional and national human rights organizations will congregate to:
· express concern over the humanitarian crisis in the Magdalena Medio region;
· demand the government take stronger actions to remedy the situation; and
· commit to protecting human rights defenders and the civilian population.
+Bogotá, Colombia+
Paz Colombia, a coalition of Colombia's leading peace and human rights organizations, that brings together dozens of non-governmental organizations (including many from remote rural areas), academics, labor and business leaders, indigenous and Afro-Colombian groups will meet on December 10th in Bogotá for "Mobilization to Escalate Peace," a day to express solidarity with the Barrancabermeja event and all regions affected by violence. The event will demand that the government turn its full attention towards ending the Colombian crisis. Paz Colombia was initiated in the summer of 2000 and held its inaugural event in Costa Rica in early October.
PLEASE consider using this moment around December 10 (which falls on a weekend) to make a statement to your local press in support of their efforts or to hold an event to encourage letter writing using the sample in the alert below. Calls and letters on human rights certification, can continue throughout December. Urge your members of Congress to pressure the administration NOT to certify Colombia on human rights and NOT to issue a waiver. Also write a letter to the President telling him not to issue a waiver (1600 Pennsylvania Avenue NW, Washington DC 20500; telephone: 202-456-1414). Congressional Switchboard number: (202) 224-3121
___________________________
A C T I O N A L E R T A C T I O N A L E R T
NO CERTIFICATION/NO WAIVER:
STOP MILITARY AID TO COLOMBIA NOW!
__________________________
In July, a US aid package allocating $1.3 billion dollars in primarily military assistance to Colombia passed the US Senate and was signed into law by President Clinton. The $1.3 billion dollars was just a down-payment in what even the Pentagon admits will be a multi-year commitment, marking a new and dangerous involvement in Colombia's counterinsurgency war. However, there was a catch. Within the legislation, Senators Leahy and Kennedy fought for tough human rights conditions that the Colombian Government had to meet before the aid could be released. Unfortunately, certain members of the House of Representatives also fought to include a loophole in the final bill. The loophole ensured that the President could release the money by waiving the human rights conditions on national security grounds.
This December or January, the President will decide whether or not to certify or waive human rights conditions on US military and counternarcotics aid to Colombia. This decision will determine if the Colombian military, the most abusive military in the hemisphere, will receive US aid for FY2001. It is imperative that you contact your members of Congress and the President and insist that US military assistance be stopped because Colombia does not meet human rights conditions. Funding for FY2000 was released when President Clinton waived the human rights conditions for the first year of the package on August 22, 2000. Only the first of the four human rights conditions were met, and that one only partially. The waiver sends a clear message to Colombia that the US government_s insistence on human rights is just talk.
WE MUST MAKE SURE THAT THE HUMAN RIGHTS CONDITIONS ARE NOT WAIVED FOR FY 2001 FUNDING AS THEY WERE FOR FY2000.
_____________________________
HUMAN RIGHTS CONDITIONS AS OUTLINED IN THE LEGISLATION:
_____________________________
!The President of Colombia has directed in writing that Colombian Armed Forces personnel who are credibly alleged to have committed gross violations of human rights will be brought to justice in Colombia's civilian courts, in accordance with the 1997 ruling of Colombia's Constitutional court regarding civilian court jurisdiction in human rights cases.!The Commander General of the Colombian Armed Forces is promptly suspending from duty any Colombian Armed Forces personnel who are credibly alleged to have committed gross violations of human rights or to have aided or abetted paramilitary groups.
!The Colombian Armed Forces are cooperating fully with civilian authorities in investigating, prosecuting, and punishing in civilian courts Colombian Armed Forces personnel who are credibly alleged to have committed gross violations of human rights.
!The Government of Colombia is vigorously prosecuting in the civilian courts the leaders and members of paramilitary groups and Colombian Armed Forces personnel who are aiding and abetting these groups.
______________________________
OVERWHELMING EVIDENCE SHOWS THAT THE HUMAN RIGHTS CONDITIONS HAVE NOT BEEN MET IN FOUR MAJOR AREAS
______________________________
1. The Colombian government has still not taken the necessary steps to ensure that human rights violators in the military are tried in civilian courts.
+Military judges continue to challenge civilian jurisdiction, trying human rights violators in military tribunals that rarely punish the offender. Defense Minister Luis Ramírez argued that 533 cases had already been transferred to civilian courts, yet under closer inspection, few of the transferred cases involved human rights and most were against low-ranking officers. The Colombian government claimed to have met the requirement when President Pastrana released an August 17 directive to enter the new Military Penal Code into law. Yet the code cites only three crimes as belonging before civilian courts rather than military tribunals. They are genocide, torture, and forced disappearance. This falls well short of the crimes considered "gross violations of human rights" by leaving out extra-judicial execution, rape and aiding and abetting atrocities carried out by paramilitary groups.
2. The Colombian military does not systematically dismiss personnel who have a proven record of human rights violations and support for paramilitary groups.
+Dozens of armed forces personnel who have been implicated in abuses not only remain on active duty today but are in command of troops or carrying out intelligence work, and are regularly promoted. On October 16, 2000, the military announced the dismissal of 388 personnel. However, the government did not assert that these solders were removed for human rights reasons. Moreover, the majority were low-level personnel; 299 were rank-and-file soldiers and 89 were officers. The highest-ranking officers let go were two lieutenant colonels, while Generals Carlos Ospina Ovalle and Brigadier General Jaime Ernesto Canal Albán, two notorious human rights offenders, were promoted (Canal Albán has since resigned over an unrelated dispute).
General Ospina Ovalle, Commander of the 4th Division, is implicated in the October 1997 El Aro massacre in which a joint military-paramilitary force surrounded the village while the paramilitary executed four people. Brigadier General Canal Albán, Commander of the 3rd Brigade, is alleged to have set up a paramilitary group and provided them with weapons and intelligence.
3. Government investigators, community leaders, journalists, and human rights defenders attempting to document human rights cases continue to face harassment, threats and attacks from the armed forces and paramilitaries.
+For example, most of the prosecutors and investigators involved in documenting links between paramilitaries and the 4th Brigade between 1997 and 1999 have either left their positions, gone into exile, or been killed (Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch, and Washington Office on Latin America, "Colombia Human Rights Certification," August 2000). A presidential directive requires all public officials to cooperate fully with human rights organizations, but this directive contains no sanctions and has not been enforced.
4. The dramatic increase in paramilitary activity recently shows that the Colombian government has failed to take effective action to capture paramilitary forces and end military /paramilitary links.
+The Colombian government has taken to rhetoric rather than to action against the paramilitaries. The State Department's 60-day human rights report evaluates the efforts of new task forces and coordination centers set up to combat paramilitaries: "By September of this year, however, it was not clear if these entities were in fact operational or whether they had contributed to a more effective effort against paramilitaries, especially given the increase in paramilitary massacres nationwide."
The majority of warrants for paramilitary leaders are not carried out. AUC paramilitary leader Carlos Castaño, for example, with 22 outstanding arrest warrants against him, remains at large and available to major media for interviews. Well-known paramilitary bases are left untouched. In Puerto Asis, Putumayo, for example, a taxi driver was recently asked by a journalist to take him to the nearby paramilitary base, and drove him there without further directions, but the local military unit has yet to enforce the law and take action against the base.
________________________
SAMPLE LETTER:
________________________
The Honorable [insert Representative or Senator]
US House of Representatives / US Senate
Washington, DC 20515 / 20510
Dear Senator/Representative X,
I urge you to ask the President not to certify Colombia as meeting human rights conditions and not to waive the human rights conditions on FY2001 US aid to Colombia. The Colombian armed forces are implicated in serious human rights violations and maintain strong links with paramilitary groups who are responsible for at least 78% of the human rights violations recorded in the six-month period starting in October 1999. The evidence proves overwhelmingly that Colombia has not met the congressionally mandated human rights conditions. High-level military officers responsible for human rights violations have not been systematically dismissed, and some have indeed been promoted. Few cases of military officers implicated in human rights violations have been tried in civilian courts. Brutal paramilitary attacks upon civilians have soared, while the Colombian government appears to do little to stop them.
I do not want to see my tax dollars going to violate human rights in Colombia. For this year, it is imperative to pressure the administration not waive the human rights conditions. For next year, the waiver option needs to be removed from the conditions. Moreover, this whole policy needs to go back to the drawing board. Rather than clinging to an ineffective militarized drug control policy, we need to address the social and economic problems in Colombia and improve drug treatment and prevention programs at home. Thank you for your attention to this matter.
Respectfully,
Your name
_______________________________
For more details on the certification process, see the joint document prepared by Human Rights Watch, Amnesty International, and Washington Office on Latin America describing why Colombia did not meet the first round of human rights certification. It is available at "http://www.wola.org".
______________________________
For more information on action, please contact: Latin America Working Group 110 Maryland Ave NE, Box 15 Washington, DC 20002 (202) 546-7010 (ph), (202) 543-7647 (fax)
_________________________________
COLOMBIA INFOinBRIEF
The U.S./Colombia Coordinating Office's COLOMBIA INFOinBRIEF is a monthly bulletin designed to serve U.S. and Colombian-based NGOs working to promote peace, justice and human rights in Colombia. It seeks to provide up-to-date information on the situation in Colombia, the impact of U.S. policy, and activities of groups working to improve the situation. For more information, or to subscribe, please contact Alison Giffen at the Office (202) 232-8090.
Alison Giffen Director U.S./Colombia Coordinating Office PHONE: 202-232-8090 FAX: 202-232-8092 1630 Connecticut Ave. NW, Suite 200 Washington D.C. 20009
END
Grassroots Pressure Forces Fidelity Investments To Dump 60% of Their Oxy Stock!
Dec. 8
Grassroots pressure has forces Fidelity Investments to dump 60% of their Oxy stock! U'WA supporters now turn to Oxy's new largest shareholder, Sanford C. Bernstein/Alliance Capitol Manamement! U'WA President Roberto Perez will confront Sanford Bernstein in SF and demand they divest from Oxy!
In this post:
1. ACTION ALERT! Demand Sanford Bernstein/Alliance Capital Management divest from Oxy!
2. Interview with Roberto Perez, President of the Traditional U'wa Authority
3. Interview with Armando Valbuena President of the Indian National Organization of Colombia (ONIC)
Activists across the globe (yes you!) have taken to the streets on behalf of the U'wa people of Colombia to demand that Fidelity Investments dump their stock in Occidental Petroleum. From Boston to San Francisco, Portland, Oregon to Portland, Maine, Tokyo to London, people have been demanding that Fidelity change their investment strategy and help the U'wa people in their struggle to save their culture and ancestral territory from Oxy's destructive oil project.
As of the second quarter reports, Fidelity Investments has dumped 18 million shares of Oxy stock, approximately 60% of their holdings worth over $412 million dollars! This divestment came on the heels of mass protest around the world - thousands of people mobilized to demonstrate at over 75 Fidelity offices, non-violent occupy Fidelity investor centers, symbolically dump blood and oil and generate tons of bad publicity for Fidelity. But of course as a Fidelity spokesperson told Money magazine in October this historic mobilization had no real impact and Fidelity's massive divestment "was in no way related to the protests."
We believe that about as much as we believe Fidelity's slogan that they help their customers "invest responsibly". Fidelity's divestment is a huge step towards victory and shows that coordinated grassroots pressure is starting to push investors beyond just their bottom line to take the environment and human rights into account. However, as Oxy's test drilling continues at the Gibraltar 1 drillsite on U'wa land we must channel our collective energies into exposing Occidental's new #1 shareholder, Sanford C. Bernstein.
Over the past year New York based Sanford C. Bernstein & Co. LLC, a subsidiary of Alliance Capital Management L.P., increased its shares by 10 million to become Oxy's top investor. They currently control over 53 million shares of Oxy stock valued at more than $1.1 billion dollars (as of November 29, 2000). Sanford Bernstein & Co., together with their parent company Alliance Capital, manage assets of up to $470 billion and have over 20 offices worldwide.
It's time to start writing, faxing, calling and visiting Sanford Bernstein/Alliance Capital offices around the world. We can unite to make Sanford Bernstein hear our voices raised in solidarity with the U'wa and show them and all of Oxy's investor that we will not tolerate them investing in the destruction of the U'wa lands and culture. We demand the Sanford Bernstein invest responsibly and "Stop investing in Genocide!" and either get Oxy to cancel plans to drill on all U'wa ancestral territory or divest entirely from Oxy stock.
U'wa President Roberto Perez will be in San Francisco to kick-off the Sanford Bernstein campaign, so please stay tuned to the U'wa Updates list for more information! You can write, call or fax Sanford Bernstein's Vice Chairman Roger Hertog at their US Corporate Headquarters at:
Mr. Roger Hertog Vice Chairman Sanford C. Bernstein & Co., LLC 767 Fifth Avenue New York, NY 10153-0185 Or fax him at : 212-756-4453 Or call him directly at: 212-756-4389
Offices are located in cities across the U.S and Sanford's parent company Alliance Capital has offices around the world. Below is a list of US office locations. Check out their web site <http://www.bernstein.com> for more details. Look over the list below and then organize, organize, organize! For more information on this issue, or to let us know about a demonstration planned in your area call Patrick at 415-398-4404/1-800-989-RAIN or e-mail him at organize@ran.org.
Bernstein Investment Research and Management Headquarters: New York 767 Fifth Avenue New York, NY 10153-0185, 212-486-5800
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Seattle: Two Union Square 601 Union Street Suite 4650 Seattle, WA 98101-4050, 206-342-1300
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West Palm Beach: Phillips Point--West Tower 777 South Flagler Drive West, Palm Beach, FL 33401 561-820-2100
White Plains: One North Lexington Avenue White Plains, NY 10601-1785, 914-993-2300
Sanford C. Bernstein Ltd Headquarters, London: 99 Gresham Street London EC2V 7NG United Kingdom, 44-20-7367-7300
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Interview with Roberto Perez
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My name is Roberto Perez. I am the President of the U'wa community.
What makes you U'wa?
We U'wa are people that live nearby the Sierra de Cocuy. To be an U'wa meansthat you can think, feel and protect.
What is the U'wa's purpose in life?
It is to value your own culture and to keep contact with nature and all the world that surrounds us.
What is your structure of government and each person's role?
Our highest authority is our Traditional Authority. He rules over all of us, he teaches us, he educates us, he the one who tells us how to interpret the world around us.
Can you describe your culture - what you wear, eat, where you sleep?
Our culture is different from the peasant, non-indigenous culture. We are born with it. As I said, our purpose is to educate and our first teacher is our mother when we are born, it is she who teaches us the names of the rivers, the trees, the animals, the birds. Then there are the rights, I'm going to tell you about the rights. We have songs about the fruit trees which we consider sacred. We have sacred songs and the origin of the world and the way things are ordered in nature. We sing to keep in touch with nature.
What is a day like in the cloud forest? What do you see, and hear?
There's a very important fact about the place that I live in. When we get out of our houses - we can see the mountains and then before the mountains - we see the rivers, unpolluted, clear. We consume from its waters, we consume pure air - that's why we think we're closer to nature. That's why we think we are closer to everything that surrounds us.
Can you describe your ceremonies throughout the year?
Yes, I'm going to tell you about the rite that we practice for the corn harvest - we sing to the corn for it to give a plentiful and good quality harvest - we to sing to the water - we sing to our origins - to the place that we are born - we have a song for the sun too. Those are the rites that we practice, that's our school - our teachers are our ancestral authorities - its no easy thing to be an authority in my community. You have to study a lot - yet you don't study with pencils or books. We learn in an oral way. We learn the stories and the songs. In order to become an authority you must study more than you can ever imagine. Sometimes it could take 20-25 years to become an eminent authority. Then you could become a professional.
Tell us about the U'wa's relationship with the earth, the animals and the spirits.
First we have a strong bond with the earth - the mother earth - because she nurtures us - she provides for us. She's the one that gives the products that keep our community alive. When we work, she gives. Without the mother, there is no life. We respect all the things that grow in our mother. There's even some medicine plants that cannot be cut or misused. We have a lot of respect for our origins - there are sacred places that have to do a lot with our origins that we cannot go to. There are sacred trees that we cannot touch - only our Traditional Authority is authorized to communicate with them. We have a lot of respect for water too because water is the fountain, we cannot live without water.
Tell us the story about the U'wa and Occidental Petroleum.
First when the first settlers came, the culture of destruction came with them. Then came the people who wanted us to convert to Christianity, with them, destruction came to. With the settlers, the home of the animals were destroyed and the animals have a right to live to. That's why at the present time we're not defending our territory only for us, but for all the creatures who abide in it. We want to defend our territory. After several years what we call the second invasion since the settlers came.
After the destruction caused by the settlers we started to see the destruction caused by this second invasion, the invasion of the Occidental Petroleum Company. I want to say more. I want to say that when we got a word that an oil company was going to come to explore for oil in our territory we had a big meeting with all of our authorities in order to agree on what we thought about this and what we thought about our territory. From this meeting we concluded that we were not in agreement with the oil exploration at all. We concluded too that we consider oil to be the blood of the mother earth and the sustainment of all the balance of the things of nature. To make an oil exploration is an attempt against all of the natural things in the world - it is an attempt to destroy its balance - it has a lot of consequences too of which I am going to mention. One that you can see right now and that is violence. Two is the destruction of your environment.
Can you tell us about the history of suicide with your people and why your leader would tell you to do this, and what your people are thinking of this now?
This is a story that comes from the past. It is true that our ancestors committed suicide when the Spaniards came in order not to become their slaves. They all jumped from a cliff and that cliff has its name. Its called the Cliff of the Dead. In the present time, though we know about this story, our leaders have told us not to talk about it anymore. Because what we are going to do now is to defend our territory with the help of non-indigenous entities and groups.
What have you done to stop the project?
First I want to say that the project has not been stopped. Just 20 days ago the company started drilling. I want to say it has been a constant struggle for us - a struggle that we've maintained for eight years now. And it has been hard and long. The government doesn't care about us. We care about our territory, we care about our resources, but they say we just care about ourselves. The government say they are the part of a lot of things - but we say they don't care about the U'wa people, they don't care about our 5,000 people.
We say they want to destroy our resources, our non-renewable resources, they want to take advantage of our territory and plunder it. To do so is a violation of our legal, traditional and patrimonial rights. We're still fighting but the government hasn't understood our position. They do not understand the consequences of what their doing . They do not understand that we must protect our land.
What is happening at the drill site - what are your people doing?
Well, they are already drilling and the rest of it is that we have a permanent group of 35 U'wa's occupying the farm that we've bought from the peasants. Tell us about the land deeds. We say that, that land, that territory, is our property. Its is our territory not because of any title, written deed or anything like that. Its because we were born there. Its because that's our mother land. We have to fight for this, we have to defend this and this is not only a warning for indigenous people this is a warning for everybody out there. For the peasants who have been expropriated of their land and no public deed or title over the land have served their purpose. They have all been ignored by the ones who want to have their lands.
What is the next step and the future of the U'wa?
The future for the U'wa is the conservation, no not the conservation - the higher valuing of our culture because an indigenous people that has no culture is a worthless community. We were born with a culture - and we are going to nurture it and we're going to know everything about it - up to the last Indian alive. And that's why I am here - informing the world - asking for your support and your solidarity.
How can the people here help the U'wa?
The first step to help the U'wa is to spread this knowledge of our situation. The first step is for you to open the spaces for us to give lectures - and talk to the people - to open your ears and listen to us - then we can start a movement - an international movement - of people that has solidarity toward us, and not only toward us, it doesn't have to be international just because - it has to be international cause this is an international problem. We're not the only nation that has this problem. For example in Ecuador there is a community that's facing this same problem of a company invading their territory, destroying their resources. We have to communicate with them, we have to share our experience, we have to learn about our experience and then look for a common way out of our trouble. That's what we can do. Mucho Gracias.
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Interview with Armando Valbuena U'Wa Leader
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My name is Armando Valbuena and I come from the Watichyu (pronounced Y-you) community from Northern Colombia and at the current time am the President of the Indian National Organization of Colombia.
Describe the current political situation in Colombia.
The 40 million people that live in Colombia are facing a civil war. A war that is fought for the possession of territories where the natural resources are located. This war has various political elements, economic elements, military elements and social activities such as racial segregation which is being applied to our people. There's two ongoing social genocides that's part of this large scale war that being fought for the property and the land.
Describe the US role in this and the role of the International Monetary Fund and The World Bank.
The IMF has issued some directives to the President of Colombia in order for him to reform our Constitution to set up the stage for further interventions. The World Bank is supporting changing the economic policies of Colombia in order for the multinational companies like mining companies and oil extraction companies to profit even more from the war in Colombia, so they can exploit more resources and get more profit from each unit of the resources they get. The US government through the actions and decisions of the US congress has brought Plan Colombia which has two main phases. The first phase or stage of the plan is the military phase which consists of seven million dollars that is dedicated to bombing the sites where they consider a military danger - a threat to national security. A second phase is the economic phase or social phase of the plan which consists in signing Colombia into the North American Free Trade Agreement.
What are the largest problems facing indigenous people in Colombia?
Following directives by the US Congress, that consists basically in adding Colombia to NAFTA we could lose the judicial entity - the Indigenous Reserve or Reservation. And through our constitution reform we could be facing the loss of the territories that have already been legally established for the indigenous communities. As soon as Colombia enters NAFTA the massacres only won't be targeted to the peasant communities but they are going to be mainly indigenous massacres. These are going to be ethnic cleansing massacres in order to free the land of any inhabitants that would be an obstacle to the oil companies to enter and plunder our natural resources.
How are the U'wa being affected by this global economy?
As soon as the drilling start the Uw'a people can very well be banished from the land. Their culture is going to be destroyed, their language is going to be destroyed their lives are going to be destroyed. The rivers are going to be polluted and with the rivers, all of the environment will start to die slowly. Without the rivers and with their pollution comes the death of everything that feeds off the river. The U'wa people feed on the products of the jungle. The most important element of globalization is the accumulation of capital. International governments and multinational's see the U'wa indigenous people as an obstacle for the accumulation of capital, so they must be eliminated.
Why would the US give Colombia 1.7 million dollars in military aid?
This aid is only given in order to protect and secure the region of Putamaya which holds large oil sites, and its issued in order to displace the people from the lands to drive out the peasants from their lands, to drive indigenous people out of their lands, and to pollute the rivers - to pollute the environment to set the stage for the destruction of these resources.
What kind of effect will Plan Colombia have on the U'wa?
Plan Colombia was supported in the US by the multinational Oxy. This plan has within it a set of tools that will be use to exterminate the U'wa as well as other indigenous people that live in Colombia. This is a war that is not only military, but economic and administrative. This second phase of plan Colombia means that the constitution will be reformed so the rights that are written now are not going to be written anymore and we're not going to have any way to defend our territory and our reservation.
What do you think is a solution to these problems?
For the existence of the U'wa people, for the peace in all territories in Colombia and for all the people of Colombia: is organization, mobilization and discussion - support - from people like you - citizens in the US.
And this is how people can help here in the US?
These are the basic ways - but in your struggle - in your support you'll find more transcending ways to help us that have been known to be used in other conflicts like for example the use of human shields in the U'wa territories or the sending of commissions and the mobilizations directly into those territories.
What is your hopes for the future of the U'wa and indigenous people everywhere?
The survival of the U'wa people and the indigenous people around the world depend on the mobilization of citizens of the US and the support we can get from every International community that we can have contact with. Also, I would recommend that for the next election that you ask for a commission from the Colombia government to review the process of elections and to give some recommendations on how to do it. (laughs)
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The 'Vietnamisation' of Latin America
By Dick Nichols, Green Left Weekly ~ Dec. 6
"This is not Vietnam", US president Bill Clinton announced during a one-day trip to the northern Colombian city of Cartagena in late August. Clinton was launching "Plan Colombia", the goal of which is to tame the country's guerrilla movements under the guise of destroying cocaine production in Colombia. Eighty per cent of the plan's initial US contribution of US$1.3 billion was devoted to military spending. "We do not, under any circumstances, intend to become involved militarily in Colombia", US defence secretary William Cohen told a gathering of Latin American counterparts in mid-October.
Latin American governments have been expressing rising concern at the possible "spill over" effect of the Colombian conflict. Venezuelan president Hugo Chavez has referred to the threat of "Vietnamisation" of northern Latin America. Over the last two months, as the first onslaughts under Plan Colombia have taken place, it is easy to see why Chavez is worried. Clashes between the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) and the Colombian army have intensified in the Panama border region and in the FARC's main base of support, the southern departments of Putumayo and Caqueta, bordering on Ecuador.
The ultra-right death squads ("paramilitaries") known as the Self-Defence Units of Colombia (AUC) are spreading their terror campaign against civilian supporters of the National Liberation Army (ELN) from the central Colombian department of Bolivar to FARC-controlled areas in the south and west, bordering Venezuela. Their tactic, known as "draining the swamp", is to give villagers and farmers a deadline for abandoning their towns and land, then slaughter them if they don't comply. Aerial spraying of coca plantations (coca is the plant from which cocaine is refined) has begun in the south using Glyphosate, a product made by Montsanto (the company that made the Agent Orange defoliant that devastated Vietnam).
Already, the spraying has killed staple crops like bananas, rubber, cocoa and yuca, as well as damaging the health of peasant families. Thousands of refugees are fleeing to Ecuador, Venezuela and Panama. According to local FARC commander Ruben Zamora full implementation of Plan Colombia could see 60,000 refugees cross the Colombian-Venezuelan border. US Southern Command top official, Vietnam veteran Peter Pace, recently conducted several visits to the Colombian capital Bogota.
The Pentagon is considering boosting its "in-country" supervision of the Colombian army's counterinsurgency offensive. The conservative Colombian government of President Andres Pastrana continues to proclaim that it is opposed to terrorism. However, the AUC, which are staffed army personnel in civilian dress, remain a vital element in the government's strategy to tame the FARC and ELN. Coordinated strategy Plan Colombia is a coordinated strategy against the rebel insurgency and its civilian supporters. The AUC move into an area and terrorise the population, then the FARC or ELN respond and the army is sent in (including its special US-trained "drug-eradication" regiments) to "restore order".
When aerial spraying starts in earnest in early December, it will also be used against those who support the insurgency. Through these tactics, the government hopes to reduce the area under guerrilla control. Increasing AUC attacks forced the FARC to declare an "armed strike" in Putumayo in October. Roadblocks were set up and the passage of goods prevented. While the army has succeeded in forcing a passage through a number of FARC checkpoints, the armed strike continues in most of the department.
On November 12, the FARC decided to freeze negotiations with the government "for as long as the president and his government does not clarify their position on paramilitary terrorism and develop policies to erradicate it". Pastrana retaliated by threatening not to renew the demilitarised zone the government has conceded to the FARC when this comes up for renewal on December 7.
Plan Colombia's problems
Plan Colombia will need to yield rapid results if it is to have any chance of success in the longer term. This is because the alliances on which it is based are full of tensions, and it carries the potential to provoke a broad anti-US alliance across Latin America. Within Colombia, Pastrana's Conservative Party has been weakened by its unprecedented thrashing at the October 29 municipal and regional elections. Most worrying for the ruling Colombian oligarchy was the fact that voters did not swing to its other political tool, the Liberal Party, but instead supported a wide range of independent candidates. The only relief the oligarchy could have drawn from the result was the failure of the old urban left to win back support and the inability of the new left, represented by the Social and Political Front, to get its act together in time for the poll. The result, including the usual 50% abstention rate, was worrying enough for Liberal Party leader Horacio Serpa to offer Pastrana an unprecedented "alliance for peace".
Within the US, worries about Plan Colombia are also beginning to surface. The Philadelphia Enquirer in early November revealed the involvement of US secret agencies in the hunting down and murder of Colombian drug lord Pablo Escobar in the early 1990s. The Enquirer articles disclosed that US agencies had worked hand in glove with Fidel Castano, the brother of AUC boss Carlos Castano, and that the terror techniques being used against the Colombian insurgency were refined and developed during the hunt against Escobar. Partially as a result of the revelations, the leader of the US House of Representatives international relations committee Benjamin Gilman withdrew his support from Plan Colombia, and called for the Colombian army to be cut out of the program and replaced by the less tainted police.
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Military Aid . . . From the Private Sector
By Paul De La Garza and David Adams, St. Petersburg Times ~ Dec. 3
As U.S. assistance to war-fatigued Colombia escalates, the Clinton administration portrays American military involvement there as nothing more than basic anti-drug fighting aid. Haunted by the shadows of Vietnam and El Salvador, administration officials vow to avoid managing another war by proxy in a foreign land. The truth, however, isn't that clear cut. Enlisted U.S. military personnel in Colombia, which average 250 on any given day, are under orders to stick to anti-drug efforts, including training of three anti-drug battalions.
But the Clinton administration quietly has hired a high-level group of former U.S. military personnel whose job far exceeds the narrow focus of the drug war and is intended to turn the Colombian military into a first-class war machine capable of winning a decades-old leftist insurgency. These military consultants keep in close contact with Pentagon officials while advising Colombians on efforts to improve the Colombian army and even advise on the passage of new laws to help make the Colombian military more professional and effective. In addition, the consultants are helping to revamp the National Police, traditionally charged with fighting the drug war in Colombia.
The hiring of military experts -- in this case, Military Professional Resources Inc., an Alexandria, Va.-based company run mostly by retired U.S. military brass -- is a relatively new development in American foreign military assistance programs. Critics say the practice, known as outsourcing, is intended to bypass congressional oversight and provide political cover to the White House if something goes wrong. MPRI has done other work for Washington around the world, including in the Balkans."We're outsourcing the war in a way that is not accountable," says Robin Kirk of Human Rights Watch. She argues that because the 130,000-strong Colombian military is notorious for human rights violations, it is essential for the United States to provide assistance "in accordance with international law and in a transparent manner -- not in secret."
Supporters of private military companies, however, argue that not only are they more cost-efficient than the U.S. military but that they ease the pressure on American troops, burdened by foreign assignments, including peacekeeping missions. MPRI is working full time in Colombia under a $6-million contract. The company has dispatched 14 employees to Bogota under the direction of a retired Army major general. Administration officials say MPRI personnel are doing precisely what uniformed American soldiers have traditionally done. They say MPRI was hired not because it has any special expertise, but because U.S. Southern Command in Miami, which oversees American military operations in Latin America, cannot spare 14 men to send to Colombia.
"What are we doing with MPRI that Southern Command or someone else can't do? In theory, nothing," Brian Sheridan, the senior Pentagon official who oversees the work of MPRI, said in congressional testimony in March. "It's a manpower issue," he said. Nevertheless, U.S.-Colombia policy experts say the use of firms like MPRI is intended primarily to limit the risk of American military casualties there."It's very handy to have an outfit not part of the U.S. armed forces, obviously," said former U.S. ambassador to Colombia Myles Frechette. "If somebody gets killed or whatever, you can say it's not a member of the armed forces. Nobody wants to see American military men killed."
Although the hiring of MPRI was approved by Congress, it raises serious questions about the propriety of U.S. intervention in the affairs of a sovereign state, of American civilians participating in a foreign war, and whether the United States can guarantee the Colombian military will not misuse the assistance it receives from MPRI. It also raises the question of the privatization of American foreign policy. Sen. Patrick Leahy, D-Vt., ranking member of the Senate Appropriations Subcommittee on Foreign Operations, is the author of human rights requirements in the $1.3-billion aid package Congress approved in June under Plan Colombia, a $7.5-billion internationally funded program with a strong U.S. military component designed to brace Colombia against collapse.
He, too, is critical of using companies like MPRI. "(It) is fraught with dangers, especially when human rights are at stake," Leahy said. "The Congress has little choice but to rely on the Pentagon to supervise the contractors, but the Pentagon too often does not pay close attention. We have no way of knowing if the contractors are training these Colombian soldiers in ways that are fully consistent with U.S. policy, laws and procedures." MPRI and the Pentagon both denied requests by the Times to review the MPRI contract, which is renewable each year. MPRI spokesman Ed Soyster, a retired Army lieutenant general and former director of the Defense Department's Defense Intelligence Agency, compared the need for secrecy in Colombia with the need for secrecy in Vietnam. "When I was in Vietnam, I wouldn't want to tell you about my operation," he said. "If the enemy knows about it, he can counter it."
Analytical problem solvers
In congressional testimony and in interviews, Pentagon and Colombian officials -- including Sheridan; the retired Southcom commander, Gen. Charles Wilhelm; and the Colombian ambassador to the United States, Luis Alberto Moreno -- have characterized MPRI staff as "men in business suits" who assess problems within the Colombian Ministry of Defense and provide solutions through detailed analysis that Colombia can either accept or reject.In this view, they aren't any different than the other 50 or so private U.S. contractors providing equipment or services paid for by U.S. foreign aid in Colombia.
MPRI employees can "from time-to-time go out on a field trip to see something," the Pentagon says, including Colombian military operations, but they don't participate in battles against the rebel forces. Its mission, according to MPRI internal documents, is to provide advice to the Ministry of Defense "with continued development and implementation of military reform measures."
Specifically, MPRI is working with the armed forces and the National Police in the areas of planning; operations, including psychological operations; training; logistics; intelligence; and personnel management. Soyster, the MPRI spokesman, compares his company with other U.S. companies operating overseas -- "Like Coca-Cola," he said. But, for the most part, MPRI officials operate out of public view, and neither Pentagon nor MPRI officials will talk in great detail about the company's activities. MPRI's stated mission in Colombia is strikingly similar to its stated mission in the Balkans.
In January 1996, according to European-based Jane's Intelligence Review, Croatia and MPRI signed the Long Range Management Program designed to assist the Croats "in establishing the architecture, structure, organization and system for planning, programming and budgeting functions for the Croatian Ministry of Defense." MPRI insisted that its work in Croatia was limited to classroom teachings and never involved any training in tactics or use of weaponry. But suspicions were aroused after two successful military operations launched by Croatia in 1995, just months after MPRI's contracts began. The operations "demonstrated that the Croatian army was now able to coordinate armor and infantry attacks supported by large artillery forces and master new communications techniques," Jane's reported. "Most importantly, the Croatian performance did not resemble the usual outmoded Warsaw Pact military tactics."
Officially, U.S. aid to Colombia is directed at the drug war, not the rebel war that has plagued the country for nearly 40 years. But even senior administration officials, including drug czar Barry McCaffrey, acknowledge that the line between the drug war and the guerrilla war has become increasingly blurred because of rebel involvement in the drug trade. Indeed, U.S. military officials familiar with the 18-week training program of anti-drug battalions in Colombia say that skills being taught by the Special Forces, including sniper training, are transferable to the fight against the Marxist rebels.
Farther-reaching influence
Among the most provocative parts of the MPRI mission are plans for MPRI to recommend legislation, statutes and decrees to Colombia regarding a military draft, a professional soldier statute, officer entitlements and health law reforms. "They are using us to carry out American foreign policy," Soyster, the MPRI spokesman, said. "We certainly don't determine foreign policy, but we can be part of the U.S. government executing its foreign policy." So delicate is MPRI's work in Colombia that State Department officials say there is an ongoing internal debate within the Clinton administration about for whom MPRI works -- the United States or Colombia?
Moreno, the Colombian ambassador, said he saw no problem in the contract. The United States was paying MPRI, but Colombia was the recipient of its military expertise, he said. "Colombia tells MPRI that we need help or we need advice in this area." Moreno said he has met with MPRI personnel and that his country welcomed its help. A country of 41-million people, Colombia has been at war with the rebels, a powerful force of 20,000 men, women and children, since 1964. Once fueled by Marxist ideology, the insurgency is now fueled by the drug trade, critics say.
Complicating peace efforts even further for the government are roving bands of right-wing paramilitary death squads, funded by wealthy landowners as well as the drug trade. Totaling between 5,000 and 10,000 strong, the paramilitaries often have been linked to the Colombian military. "The military in Colombia has to be very professional and very modern if you are going to have peace," Moreno said. "Any time you spend on modernizing the Colombian military is time well-spent."
Washington has pumped more money into Colombia because it has grown increasingly concerned about the rebel war spilling over into its neighbors. Fighting already threatens stability on the border with Venezuela, a main U.S. supplier of oil, as well as Ecuador and Panama. Only Egypt and Israel get more U.S. foreign aid than Colombia. U.S.and Colombian officials say one of the strategies in the drug war is to cut off funding to the rebels, who earn hundreds of millions of dollars by selling protection to the drug traffickers. Colombia provides as much as 85 percent of the cocaine sold on U.S. streets and an increasing amount of heroin.
In explaining the impetus for the use of MPRI, Pentagon officials say they have become frustrated over the past 40 years with trying to help reform the Colombian military piecemeal, doing exchange programs, for instance, that yielded poor results. State Department officials say Washington is not using MPRI to ram military reform down the throats of the Colombians. Colombia can reject MPRI suggestions. Moreno agreed.
When MPRI began operations in Colombia, the Pentagon said the ministry of defense already had begun a reform program. It was Sheridan, the assistant secretary of defense for the Special Operations Low-Intensity Conflict, or SOLIC, section of the Pentagon, who recommended MPRI to Minister of Defense Luis Fernando Ramirez. The Pentagon said that every quarter MPRI reports directly to a senior steering committee in Washington, including Sheridan, representatives of Southcom and Randy Beers, the assistant secretary of state for International Narcotics and Law Enforcement Affairs. Congress, meanwhile, gets no updates about the MPRI mission. And that makes critics, even within the military, queasy.
In 1998, Col. Bruce D. Grant wrote a strategy research project at the U.S. Army War College questioning companies like MPRI. Not only did he conclude that what they do is illegal, because they circumvent congressional oversight, but he also wondered how military men and women could sell their expertise to the highest foreign bidder. "This dangerous trend removes military expertise from public accountability and corrupts our military," Grant wrote. "The unintended consequences of profit-motivated military assistance could detract from U.S. foreign policy objectives, result in tragedy when misused by recipients and leave a dispirited military." Military aid is clearly the most sensitive form of aid flowing to Colombia.
Curtis Kamman, the U.S. ambassador to Colombia until a few weeks ago, maintained a policy prohibiting reporters from observing Special Forces training because he feared the images beamed to television sets back home would remind people of Vietnam. Earlier this year, as conditions in Colombia worsened and the U.S. Congress debated the merits of the $1.3-billion aid package, critics often cited Vietnam. Rep. David Obey, D-Wis., said he detests Vietnam analogies, "because nine out of 10 times they are all wet." "But I have to tell you," he said, "this reminds me very much of Vietnam. . . Whatever happens, there are going to be a lot of mothers' sons who are going to die who may or may not be Americans."
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Senator Paul Wellstone Takes The Lead Against 'Plan Colombia'
By Andrew Selsky, Common Dreams ~ December 2
Hard-eyed men with Uzis stood guard as Sen. Paul Wellstone stepped out of a helicopter and into a bulletproof car and drove to a meeting with human rights activists. Hours earlier, police said they discovered a bomb along the airport road. U.S. and Colombian authorities Friday downplayed the possibility that Wellstone and U.S. Ambassador Anne Patterson, who accompanied the Minnesota Democrat, were the intended targets of the bomb. Their visit marked the first time a U.S. lawmaker or ambassador had come to the deadliest town in all the Americas - a sweltering cluster of cinderblock homes on the banks of the muddy Magdalena River.
There was heavy security for the U.S. officials during their three-hour visit Thursday. But Barrancabermeja's 195,000 residents have no such protection: this year alone, 470 of them have been slain in politically motivated attacks, human rights workers say. Massacres are commonplace, and the killers are rarely caught. Wellstone said he made the perilous journey to show support for the human rights activists, who face immense risk. "I don't know whether I was targeted, but I certainly know that the human rights activists are targeted,'' Wellstone told an airport news conference on his return to Minneapolis on Friday.
For Wellstone, a former civil rights activist and college professor, his two-day visit to Colombia also was aimed at making a stand against Plan Colombia, a drug-eradication effort being funded by $1.3 billion from Washington. Under the plan, dozens of U.S.-donated combat helicopters will ferry U.S.-trained Colombian troops into cocaine-producing plantations to seize them from insurgents. But while the military is being strengthened, Wellstone says there is no firm plan to provide coca farmers with alternative livelihoods. He fears they will then be driven into the ranks of leftist guerrillas or the rival right-wing paramilitary group, the United Self-Defense Forces of Colombia, or AUC.
Moreover, Wellstone is concerned that President Clinton authorized delivery of the aid even though the Colombian government has not met all the human rights conditions set by Congress. Among outstanding concerns is that the Colombian military has not severed its links to the AUC. The paramilitaries, responsible for numerous massacres of suspected guerrilla sympathizers, remain allied with the army in the field in anti-guerrilla operations. Many AUC gunmen are former government soldiers. "If we continue to waive the (human rights) provisions of the aid package, then the message we are sending to the paramilitaries and the military is that human rights is not important to us,'' Wellstone told The Associated Press as he flew to Barrancabermeja.
Wellstone said he asked President Andres Pastrana on Wednesday for the government to bring paramilitary leaders to trial and protect human rights workers. Human rights workers whom Wellstone met with said the AUC was responsible for most of the killings in Barrancabermeja, 155 miles north of the capital, Bogota. There were questions, meanwhile, about who was the intended target of the bomb, and its location. Barrancabermeja's police commander said the bomb was found on the road from the airport to the city. However, local journalists who witnessed the device being dismantled said it was found in a neighborhood far from the highway. It was not immediately possible to reconcile the two reports.
The White House said it did not view Wellstone and Patterson as targets and State Department officials said it wasn't unusual for such devices to be found in Barrancabermeja. Colombian police said first that it appeared to be an assassination attempt, and then later said it did not. Police said a man they arrested in connection with the case, whom they identified as a member of the rebel National Liberation Army, was not telling them who the intended target was. Many residents of Barrancabermeja knew of the planned visit by the U.S. delegation. But security forces had kept confidential plans to transfer the party from the airport to the town by helicopter.
Earlier Thursday, Wellstone and Patterson flew aboard a Black Hawk combat helicopter to observe a raid by heavily armed Colombian national police on a plantation near the village of Taraza, 220 miles northwest of Bogota. Huddled on the mountainside, 32 coca harvesters - itinerant workers who pull the leaves off the bushes and work in a rudimentary processing lab for $4 to $5 per day - watched as police torched the lab. It was quickly enveloped in flames, sending a plume of black smoke over the jungle-covered mountains and a blast of intense heat that could be felt 100 yards away. Jorge Perez, a 24-year-old father of two, took a deep drag off his cigarette and shook his head. "Now we'll be without work,'' Perez said. "Working the coca fields is the only way to make money around here.''
END
Colombian "Assassination" Attempt on Wellstone Smells Like Ruse
Resource Center of the Americas ~ December 1
Traveling with senator, Pam Costain of Minneapolis calls for U.S. commitment to peaceful solution to 40-year-old civil war. After a regional Colombian police commander announced his officers had foiled an attempted assassination of Sen. Paul Wellstone (D-Minnesota) and U.S. Ambassador Anne Patterson yesterday, officials retracted the story today. The timing of yesterday's announcement, as government peace talks with the area's leftist guerrillas reached a crucial stage, raised the prospect the "assassination" attempt was a ruse intended to disrupt the talks.
The Colombian National Police, in a written statement today, denied any evidence two land mines discovered yesterday at 11 a.m. on a road near the city of Barrancabermeja were targeting Wellstone and Patterson, due to visit the city an hour later. "The police did not thwart any attempted attack against the U.S. officials," the statement said. Barrancabermeja, 155 miles north of Bogotá, the capital, is the site of Colombia's largest oil refinery and is considered one of the nation'smost dangerous cities. Human rights groups, tallying more than 500 political slayings in the area this year, blame most of the violence on rightist paramilitary groups that work closely with the U.S.-backed Colombian army and national police.
Wellstone's delegation included Pam Costain, executive director of the Minneapolis-based nonprofit Resource Center of the Americas. Yesterday's incident, she said by telephone this afternoon from Bogotá, "reflects the militarization of this society and the violent reality that millions of people live everyday. "Senator Wellstone, one of three senators to oppose the U.S. military aid, was here to promote peace, dialogue and respect for human rights," she said, referring to a $1.3 billion U.S. package of mostly military aid for Colombia that President Clinton signed into law July 13. "Everyone we talked to is interested in finding a peaceful solution to the conflict. And that's where the energy of the United States should go." Costain flies home to Minneapolis tomorrow. She gives a public talk about her five-day trip to Colombia on December 16 (see below).
The "assassination" attempt coincided with a report today by Colombia's largest television network, Caracol, that the government and the National Liberation Army (ELN), the area's most powerful guerrilla group, were "on the verge" of a peace accord. Bitterly opposed to any accord with the guerrillas are the area's paramilitary groups, who work on behalf of cattle ranchers, drug traffickers, transnational oil firms, mining companies and other vested interests. Government tolerance of the paramilitaries is well known in the area. On May 16, 1998, during a party on a Barrancabermeja soccer field, a hooded group slaughtered a dozen people and hauled away dozens more in trucks. Neither an army unit within earshot nor the National Police did anything to pursue the killers.
Nationwide, paramilitaries committed 63 percent of the nation's 219 massacres last year, according to the Permanent Committee for Defense of Human Rights in Colombia. A report last December by New York-based Human Rights Watch blames three quarters of abuses on the paramilitaries, and a February report by the group cites collaboration between the Colombian army and the paramilitaries. Together, they are behind most of the 35,000 political slayings over the last decade. Much of the paramilitary violence aims to clear away peasants from land. As many as 40,000 Barrancabermeja area residents, most lacking titles for their plots, have been displaced in recent years. About half of the refugees have ended up in shacks on the outskirts of the city.
Paramilitaries also target organizers such as Workers Trade Union leader Alvaro Remolina, who has called attention to the labor practices of Texaco and Occidental, two U.S.-based oil firms in the area. On January 11 this year, his nephew was murdered in a nearby town, while his brother and a friend disappeared in another nearby town. He lost another brother to assassins in 1996, and uniformed soldiers killed his sister-in-law last July.
In the nearby San Lucas highlands, the site of rich gold deposits, U.S. and Canadian conglomerates such as California-based Conquistador Mines have been moving in over the last few years. Small, independent miners are in the way. On April 25, 1997, according witnesses' written accounts, paramilitaries entered the town of Río Viejo, decapitated local miner Juan Camacho, played soccer with his head, and mounted it on a stick.
Besides oil and gold, resources in the Barrancabermeja area include fertile land, timber, platinum and precious stones. Nearly all of the wealth from these resources leaves the area. Colombia's oil industry generates $3 billion a year in profits for the government oil company and firms such as Occidental, Texaco and British-based BP Amoco. Yet more than 70 percent of the area's 750,000 inhabitants live in poverty and nearly 40 percent are unemployed, double the official nationwide rate. Making matters worse are national policies that prioritize free trade over the welfare of small-scale farmers. Without the tariffs, subsidies and credit necessary to sustain legal crops, most area peasants have turned to growing coca, the shiny leaf processed into cocaine. Armed groups are constantly fighting for control of these producers.
The paramilitary groups exact taxes from growers and run the country's major cocaine processing and trafficking facilities. The area has also seen concerted activity by the ELN, which formed in 1964, inspired by the Cuban revolution. Since then, the ELN has grown into the nation's second largest rebel force. With as many as 6,000 combatants, it has targeted transnational mining firms and the privatization of Colombia's energy sector. Hundreds of ELN bombings have ruptured oil pipelines and disabled electricity pylons.
Costain to Speak at December 16 "Coffeehour":
On December 13, 1998, explosions in the Colombian village of Santo Domingo, Arauca, killed 19 civilians, including seven children. Community leaders say the Colombian air force targeted the village with missiles. The military, for its part, blames the blasts on a guerrilla car bomb. The Colombian government has resisted investigating the incident. At the request of Colombian human-rights organizations, a tribunal convened in Chicago this fall to review the case in accordance with international legal standards. The tribunal will issue its verdict December 13, the bombing's second anniversary. Daniel de la Pava, coordinator of the Colombia Support Network's Chicago chapter, discusses the case and the spiraling violence of Colombia's U.S.- funded war. Joining him, Resource Center executive director Pam Costain reports on her November trip to Colombia on a delegation led by Sen. Paul Wellstone that met with a variety of human rights organizations and political representatives.
After the discussion, Resource Center librarian Mary Swenson dedicates the Resource Center of the Americas library in memory of U.S. journalist Penny Lernoux, a voice for the poor who lived for years in Bogotá, the Colombian capital. The event continues the Resource Center's weekly "coffeehour" series. 10 a.m. Holy Trinity Lutheran Church, 2730 31st St. E., Minneapolis (around the corner from the Resource Center). 612-276-0788.
Chip Mitchell, Editor Connection to the Americas, Resource Center of the Americas 3019 Minnehaha Ave. Minneapolis, MN 55406 phone: 612-276-0788 (ext. 15) fax: 612-276-0898.
END
Urgent Action Needed to Counter Rep. Dan Burton Charges Against Colombian Human Rights Organizations
By Martha, Vive Colombia ~ Dec. 1
TO: Individuals and Organizations concerned about human rights in Colombia.
FROM: Colombia Vive, Boston
DATE: Dec. 1, 2000
If you or your organization can sign on to these two letters, PLEASE SEND A REPLY BY NOON FRIDAY DECEMBER 8 to: martha.soto@umassmed.edu
Please provide:
* Name of person signing for the organization, and position if possible
* Name of the organization
-OR-
* If you can sign on as an individual listing an organization for identification purposes only, or your city and state. Please note: there are a few small changes compared to earlier drafts of this letter in response to helpful comments. Thanks. It would be good to send this off soon. If anyone can help distribute it to press or others, please do. thank you,
Martha, Colombia Vive, Boston
Dec. 11, 2000
Dear Congressman Burton,
It has recently come to our attention that at the September 21 Western Hemisphere Subcommittee hearing on Colombia, you accused human rights organizations of ignoring human rights violations by the Colombian guerrillas. To quote your own words, "No human rights organization ever condemns the FARC for its brutality. The credibility of the NGO organizations is suspect when they fail to condemn this sort of activity." Not only are your remarks wrong, they are a dangerous attack against human rights organizations. We urge you and your staff to read any human rights report by one of the many human rights organizations working in Colombia, the U.S., and other parts of the world.
You will find that we all charge the guerrillas with 20% of the political assassinations in Colombia, blame them for at least half of the kidnappings, and criticize their forced recruitment of minors. Amnesty International recently condemned the death of a civilian held in captivity by the ELN guerrillas, and Human Rights Watch has filed special reports about guerrilla abuses of the civilian population. In reports on human rights in Colombia you will also see references to human rights violations by the paramilitary death squads who commit a majority of the human rights abuses, including 78% of political assassinations and most of the forced displacement that has left almost two million Colombians homeless. Human rights groups spend more time reporting on violence by the paramilitaries because these groups currently commit most of the abuses.
In addition, the U.S. is currently funding the Colombian armed forces, which are known to have links to the paramilitary death squads. The concern that U.S. funds could be contributing directly to human rights violations is of extreme concern to us, as we are sure it is to you. Remarks like those above are will serve to encourage those Colombian army and civilian leaders who routinely discredit the work of human rights workers in Colombia. This includes attacks against the human rights staffs of the Colombian and United States governments. The Army Chief of Staff, General Néstor Ramírez, stated publicly on December 2, 1999, that the most difficult struggle of the Colombian Army is against "those subversives who have infiltrated the Fiscalía, Procuraduría, and the Human Rights Ombudsman's Office, backed by some international and national organizations that are causing us a lot of damage." The Ministry of Defense's web site has made similar allegations against Human Rights Watch, and even against the Bogota U.S. Embassy's Human Rights Officer.
Colombia's human rights workers are valiant men and women who risk their lives and work under threat daily to investigate and report risk on human rights abuses by all the armed actors, the guerrillas, the paramilitaries and the Colombian armed forces. The work and integrity of Colombia's human rights defenders has been recognized internationally. In 1998 the Coordinacion Colombia-Europa, a coalition of over 60 Colombian human rights organizations received the Lettelier-Moffitt human rights award, and four Colombian organizations were recognized by the Robert Kennedy Human Rights Foundation. Over 20 Colombian human rights defenders have been assassinated in the past two years, and many others have had to leave the country after suffering death threats and assassination attempts.
As one exiled human rights defender said recently as she considered whether or not it was safe for her to return to Colombia, "I think I deserve a few more years of life." This young mother of two is in exile in the U.S. due to her efforts to help the families of the disappeared. She came under extreme attack after she successfully led an effort to have a bill against forced disappearances passed into law in Colombia. Your remarks attacking the integrity of human rights defenders also occur at a time of increased hostility against human rights organizations even in the United States. U.S. human rights organizations which focus on Colombia, small and large, are beginning to receive threatening phone calls and e-mails.
Given the fact that in Colombia careless remarks by civilian and armed forces officials attacking human rights defenders have fueled death threats and even murders, we ask you in the future to use extreme care in your choice of words when you refer to the work of human rights organizations in Colombia. We also ask that you respect the work that many of us are undertaking in the U.S. We do this out of an enormous sense of responsibility for the welfare of Colombians caught in the crossfire of a deadly war, and one that is being fueled by U.S. military aid.
Respectfully yours,
Barbara Gerlach and Cristina Espinel, Co-Chairs, Colombia Human Rights Committee, Washington, DC, Helene Pollock, Philadelphia, AFSC, Maria Hope, Colombia Special Interest Group, Iowa City, Iowa, Maria Victoria Maldonado, Colombia Media Project, New York, Cathy Crumbley and Father Gerry Kelly, Co-Chairs, Colombia Vive, Boston, Justin Delacour, Colombia activist, Albuquerque, New Mexico Adam Isaacson, Center for International Policy
______________________________________________________
December 1, 2000
Assistant Secretary of Defense for Special Operations and Low-Intensity Conflict Brian Sheridan
Dear Assistant Secretary Sheridan,
It has recently come to our attention that at the September 21 Western Hemisphere Subcommittee hearing on Colombia, you strongly supported Representative Dan Burton's remarks accusing human rights organizations of ignoring human rights violations by the Colombian guerrillas. To quote the words you seconded, "No human rights organization ever condemns the FARC for its brutality. The credibility of the NGO organizations is suspect when they fail to condemn this sort of activity."
Not only are these remarks wrong, they are a dangerous attack against human rights organizations. We urge you and your staff to read any human rights report by one of the many human rights organizations working in Colombia, the U.S., and other parts of the world. You will find that we all charge the guerrillas with 20% of the political assassinations in Colombia, blame them for at least half of the kidnappings, and criticize their forced recruitment of minors.
Amnesty International recently condemned the death of a civilian held in captivity by the ELN guerrillas, and Human Rights Watch has filed special reports about guerrilla abuses of the civilian population. In reports on human rights in Colombia you will also see references to human rights violations by the paramilitary death squads who commit a majority of the human rights abuses, including 78% of political assassinations and most of the forced displacement that has left almost two million Colombians homeless.
Human rights groups spend more time reporting on violence by the paramilitaries because these groups currently commit most of the abuses. In addition, the U.S. is currently funding the Colombian armed forces, which are known to have links to the paramilitary death squads. The concern that U.S. funds could be contributing directly to human rights violations is of extreme concern to us, as we are sure it is to you. Remarks like those above are will serve to encourage those Colombian army and civilian leaders who routinely discredit the work of human rights workers in Colombia. This includes attacks against the human rights staffs of the Colombian and United States governments.
The Army Chief of Staff, General Néstor Ramírez, stated publicly on December 2, 1999, that the most difficult struggle of the Colombian Army is against "those subversives who have infiltrated the Fiscalía, Procuraduría, and the Human Rights Ombudsman's Office, backed by some international and national organizations that are causing us a lot of damage." The Ministry of Defense's website has made similar allegations against Human Rights Watch, and even against the Bogota U.S. Embassy's Human Rights Officer.
Colombia's human rights workers are valiant men and women who risk their lives and work