TITLE: GAM: Indonesia Agreement - A Flicker of Light

AUTHOR:

PUB: Tempo Magazine

DATE: January 16 - 22, 2001

The Free Aceh Movement (GAM) and Indonesia agree to abandon the use of violence in resolving the Aceh conflict. A faint light has now appeared at the end of the tunnel. In Bavois, Switzerland, GAM and the Indonesian government have signed a provisional peace accord. Last Tuesday after four days of intense negotiation in the bitterly cold Swiss winter, the director of the Indonesian Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Hasan Wirajuda, and GAM representative Zaini Abdullah agreed to end the armed conflict in Aceh and pursue political negotiations instead. For a conflict that has raged for some 26 years (Free Aceh was proclaimed by GAM leader Hasan Tiro in 1976-Ed.) the agreement marks an important milestone. It has taken a long time for GAM and Jakarta to reach a truce. GAM has been seeking unconditional independence for Aceh while Indonesia has remained steadfast that Aceh continues as part of Indonesia. The Humanitarian Pause agreement signed by both parties last May failed to realize any substantial development and violence only continued to escalate, claiming more victims on the way. Following the newly signed agreement both parties are set to start political talks beginning next February. For a month beginning 15 January 2001-the expiry date of the current ceasefire-the two conflicting parties are required to exercise restraint and refrain from any armed conflict. Political dialogs will ensue only if this agreement is observed. Represenatives from both sides will also sit on a Joint Council for Political Dialogs. The negotiations will be chaired by the Henry Dunant Center, a non-profit non-government organization (NGO) based in Geneva. The recent agreement actually represents a victory for both sides. According to Hasan Wirajuda, GAM has all this while been buying time and avoiding any discussions of the core issue-the independence status of Aceh. GAM has only been pursuing a side agenda, such as the reduction of security forces on both sides. This gives the impression that GAM was resorting to this strategy to keep alive the Aceh issue on an international level and to boost its leverage. With the agreement to conduct political dialogs, Indonesia has suceeded in forcing GAM to discuss the substantial aspect of the issue. Another winning score for Indonesia is the involvement of other Acehnese elements-the pro- as well as the anti-independence grups-in future discussions during the moratorium. Realizing that the Humanitarian Pause had failed to check bloodshed, Jakarta sought more dialog partners for involvement in future discussions. GAM is not the only political element in the Acehnese society. The inclusion of more partners in political talks in Geneva means that Indonesia will have more allies to defeat GAM at the negotiating table. All this time Jakarta has also been trying to consolidate its stance. Last December Coordinating Minister for Social, Political & Security Affairs, Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, had a meeting with Forka, an NGO led by former Chairman of the United Development Party (PPP) Ismail Hasan Metareum. Many quarters view the meeting as an effort on the part of Jakarta to embrace Aceh. The agreement achieved in Switzerland is also a significant victory for GAM as Indonesia is now willing to enter into an area formerly considered taboo. For example, part of the agreement spells out that Jakarta agrees to discuss the possibility of holding a general election for the establishment of an Acehnese government under the supervision of international organizations. It is unclear whether this election is another form of referendum. What is certain is that GAM will be included in any poll (see table). This is not an easy development for Jakarta. Though it is merely an agenda for talks, the question of holding an election is a sensitive issue. If this agenda is adopted then it's not an impossibility that Aceh would eventually opt for independence. In the midst of increasing animosity toward Jakarta, the Acehnese could easily be swayed to choose the independence option. This explains why the Minister of Defence, M. Mahfud, had at an early stage come out with a strong statement: "We will oppose it if the election is merely another form of referendum," he said. Apart from the election agenda, other agendas for discussions include one that sounds "frightening" to Jakarta. Both parties, for instance, will discuss the possibility of conducting investigations into human rights violations in Aceh, which is sure to drag the military top brass in Jakarta into the issue. And this is not easy. In the past similar investigations of human rights violations by Special Committees of the House of Representatives (DPR) brought no solid results. However, Hassan Wirajuda has assured that this aspect of the agenda would not undermine the interest of Jakarta. With respect to a general election, for instance, Hassan holds the view that Jakarta would be able to negotiate the matter with GAM. I think there is no harm if the `election' is within the system of autonomy or if GAM intends to take part in the 2004 general elections. This is possible if they have candidates to field," said the former Indonesian ambassador to Switzerland. The question that arises now is will both parties in the conflict honor the Bavois agreement. GAM has pledged to abide by it. "We give our word." said Zaini Abdullah. The Indonesian delegation also made a similar promise. GAM, however, will be facing a problem in promoting the Bavois agreement. A split in the organization is expected to complicate the control of operations under one command. In other words, there may be troops operating outside of the official command. Ayah Muni, the Operations Commander of AGAM (the armed wing of GAM) for Aceh Rayeuk dismissed this possibility. "That's impossible. We have an integrated system of accountability. Actions will be taken against members responsible for violations," he said. Meanwhile Jakarta has remained cautious. The cabinet meeting on Monday held discussions on agendas for the political dialogs. "Ambiguous agendas would be reviewed. They might be modified or dropped altogether," said Foreign Minister Alwi Shihab. Another source of worry in the implementation of the agreement is the presence of troops in the field. There is no guarantee that TNI soldiers will abide fully by the agreement and shelve their weapons. In Lhoksemauwe, for instance, clashes broke out a day after the signing of the Bavois truce. At least 16 people died. However, the regiment commander of Korem 012/Teuku Umar, Colonel Syarifuddin Tippe, has given assurance that his men will be loyal to Jakarta. "I will obey the policy adopted by Jakarta," he said. In the midst of the possibility for a continuation of conflict some quarters remain pessimistic over the effectiveness of the agreement in resolving the issue. Moreover, no clear sanctions have been set for the month-long truce. "The question of sanctions for violations of agreed commitments should have been discussed thoroughly," said Iqbal Farabi, Chairman of the National Human Rights Commission in Aceh. In other words, the glimmer of light from Bavois will remain dim and not strong and powerful. A lot of time and effort will be needed to resolve the conflict for a lasting peace. END top