|
|
|
|
|
TITLE: Ariel Sharon, Fuel on the Fire; Under This Prime Minister, The Chance for Peace Goes from Slim to None |
AUTHOR: Robert Hazo |
PUB: Pittsburgh Post-Gazette |
DATE: March 5, 2001 |
|
Israel, which at its birth in 1948 set forth the high ideal of being "a light unto the nations," has chosen as its prime minister a man whom many in Israel, America, the Arab world and elsewhere regard as an unscrupulous zealot, something of a megalomaniac consumed with personal ambition as well as a ruthless warmonger and, yes, even as a war criminal. Into a major role in one of the most complicated and agonizing struggles in human history steps a man who, more often than not, thinks of force as a first rather than as a last resort. Since just about every major political, social, religious, economic and technological factor is involved in that swirling and ever-changing vortex, Ariel Sharon's re-entry as a major player is a sobering development. Secretary of State Colin Powell recently observed that our immediate goal in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict should be to contain it, lower its level of intensity and give the Palestinians some hope. In terms of these standards and others, including Israeli self-interest, it is hardy risky to expect that Sharon will make the situation much worse. Ariel Sharon has the kind of long record that renders his campaign slogans about "peace" deeply suspect. Not very long ago he told an interviewer for The New Yorker that peace between Israelis and Palestinians (as well as, one presumes, Arabs generally) is not now attainable and that the best one could hope for is an armed truce. He may be right about that regarding some Arab states such as Egypt and Jordan, with which Israel has a cold peace -- not much more than a secure cease fire. But he is quite wrong if he thinks that the same kind of relationship can prevail between Israelis and Palestinians on his terms. The proposals he has floated so far seem pathetically inadequate: No more than half of the West Bank for the Palestinians, no part of Jerusalem as well as no recognition of the right of return of the refugees or compensation in lieu of return. Further, there must be pacification before any negotiations take place -- even though the Palestinians demand successful negotiations as the condition of pacification. What would incline Sharon to believe that he can get the Palestinians to accept the idea of a truncated, dwarfish entity, itself divided into cantons, the economy and borders of which would presumably be controlled by Israel? Since there will be no more carrot in the offing, one has to assume that there will be a lot more stick. If so, it will not work. Surely it must be obvious by now that after over half a century, a policy aimed at breaking the Palestinian spirit has failed. All the cumulative efforts of oppression, the calculated humiliations, the arrests and long-term detention without charge or trial, the arbitrary and lengthy curfews, the frequent bulldozing or dynamiting of Palestinian homes, the abuse of interminable bureaucratic delay, the use of guns on Palestinians by both settlers and the army, the arbitrary shutting down of commerce -- all these abuses and more have not succeeded in producing a servile attitude among the Palestinians. They will not submit, no matter how high the cost and no matter how long they must suffer. Surely the second intifada has made that clear. Palestinian irredentism is incandescent and inextinguishable. It is a sheet of flame with which the Palestinians will light their future or by which they will be consumed. Force has already resulted in hundreds of deaths and thousands of wounded. At least 1,000 are said to have sustained serious, permanent injuries. It has been estimated that over a thousand acres of olive groves, factories and other buildings have already been leveled. The Palestinian economy is now losing anywhere from $ 8 million to $ 12 million a day. In Gaza there is almost 50 percent unemployment. The Palestinian National Authority is close to being without operating funds. Yet the struggle goes on. Now that Sharon has formed a government with the Labor Party, what will he do? No one really knows, including possibly Sharon himself. If he opts for the use of massive force that will result in thousands of deaths, that may produce a pause. But it would be a mistake of monumental proportions to regard that pause as the morbidity of the Palestinian determination to have a place in the sun -- rather than merely its dormancy. In any case, in a situation that cries out for Israeli reconciliation not only with Palestinians but also with the wider Arab and Islamic environment as well as for reformation of Israel's chaotic multiparty political system, what is needed is the strategic wisdom of King Solomon, not the impulsive, tactical recklessness of Sharon. Real security presupposes a just peace and Sharon is capable of bringing Israel neither. But then, real statesmanship throughout the Middle East has always been in short supply and never more so than in the very dangerous present. At best, we can expect more of the same; at worst, there will be a wide Arab-Israeli war. Robert Hazo, a Pittsburgh resident, is chairman of the Middle East Policy Association. END |