Letter from John Ackerly, International Campaign for Tibet
April 6
Dear Tibet Activist:
On behalf of our entire staff, I want to thank so many of you who took action on our PetroChina campaign. We have won a tremendous victory by reducing the IPO demand for this stock offering from $10 billion to $2.9 billion! For more info, check out "http://www.savetibet.org"
However, PetroChina and partner BP Amoco's pipeline construction still presents one of the greatest threats to the people of Tibet that has been seen in recent years. We have just learned that Liberty Financial has bought some 3 million shares of PetroChina valued at $57 million.
We need your help today.
Please fax or e-mail Mr. C. Allen Merrit, CEO of Liberty Financial, and send a copy to Mr. Gary Countryman, Chairman of the Board. Ask them to divest in this stock immediately and to state publicly their intention to do so. issue a press release stating their intention to do so. You can also reach Liberty by phone at (617) 722-6000.
We have galvanized a powerful coalition of opponents to this deal who are working furiously this very moment to inform Liberty Financial of their mistake. If Liberty divests their 3 million shares, it will drive down the stock price considerably, sending a powerful message to those who would exploit Tibet and Tibetans that it is simply bad business.
Please email the sample letter below, or one of your own, today if you can to C. Allen Merrit, CEO of Liberty. Further, please copy this e-mail to us so we can gauge your response. Our campaign has made extraordinary strides-- help us keep up the momentum! Please help us take the next step! For more information about PetroChina see our website. Thanks for your help,
Sample Letter C. Allen Merrit, CEO of Liberty Financial
<------------------------cut here-------------------->
Dear Mr. Merrit,
I am writing to ask you to divest Liberty Financial's holding of PetroChina shares and to do so immediately. PetroChina's proposed projects in Tibet poses one of the most significant threats to the Tibetan environment and peoples in recent history. I know that you may not have been aware of the recent controversy regarding this stock, but the campaign against holders of this stock by individuals across the United States will intensify in the coming weeks and months. Please divest your company of this stock for the sake of your corporate integrity, financial self-interest and on behalf of the people of Tibet, in whose interest I support.
Sincerely,
<--------Paste your name, city, and state here-------->
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ICT ~ March 31
PetroChina, a newly formed "domestic" subsidiary of the colossal state-owned China National Petroleum Company (CNPC), is due to list their Initial Public Offering on the New York Stock Exchange next Thursday, APRIL 6th. The lead underwriters, Goldmann-Sachs Group Inc., initially hoped to raise $10 billion to fund the construction of a 7,000 mile pipeline from the Tsiadam Basin of Tibet to Shanghai, to fund the downsizing of millions of workers by parent company CNPC, and to support the CNPC's greater expansion objectives abroad - including in the Sudan where China has been complicit in the slaughter of more than 2 million Sudanese Christians.
Against all odds, a broad coalition of groups including Tibetan rights activists, the AFL-CIO, anti-slavery groups, national security interests and environmental organizations have succeeded in generating a maelstrom of protest that has driven PetroChina's target listing from $10 billion down to $2.8 billion dollars.
We have, among other things, persuaded investors and public pension funds that control morethan $1 trillion in assets - including giants CalPERS and TIAA-CREF -- to commit to not investing in the deal and we have made PetroChina the most politically risky investment on the public market in more than two decades.
BUT THERE IS MORE TO BE DONE AND WE NEED YOUR HELP!
PetroChina, a "domestic" unit of the state owned enterprise China National Petroleum
Corporation (CNPC) is due to list on the New York Stock Exchange on April 6th. The initial public offering has been forced to scale back from the original target of $10 billion to $2.8 billion because of the substantial risks associated with deal including the expansion of PetroChina's operations into the Tsaidam basin of Tibet.
The project could severely impact local peoples on the Tibetan Plateau. Resettlement of large numbers of Chinese gas workers into northeastern Tibetan autonomous prefectures would occur, heightening ethnic tensions and marginalizing Tibetans even further. Hundreds of thousands of Chinese have already entered occupied Tibet, but these earlier migrants are concentrated in Tibetan cities and eastern border regions.
Environmental impacts of CNPC's exploration and extraction on the Plateau could be significant. The area includes a fragile, high altitude ecosystem that has supported a small, hardy population of Tibetan and Mongolian nomads for centuries. This delicate balance might be shattered by CNPC's operations. Given its disastrous record in the Daqing oil fields of northeastern China, even a small-scale replication could seriously damage the region's environment.
Part of the IPO was originally intended to finance operations in Sudan's oil fields. Pressured by the Securities Exchange Commission and a coalition of human rights, religious and national security groups concerned about CNPC's links to the Sudanese government, underwriter Goldman Sachs Asia scaled down and postponed the offering. With operations in Tibet, Sudan, Iran and Iraq, CNPC is engaged in a global effort to secure oil and gas resources. In Sudan, CNPC and its partner, Talisman Energy of Canada, came under widespread criticism for their role in the persecution and displacement of several million Christians in its southern region. Talisman's share prices tumbled after institutional investors began dumping their stocks in January.
The Tibetan Plateau includes the same region in which the World Bank drew a storm of criticism for its proposed resettlement of nearly 60,000 Hui and Han Chinese. After opposition by several countries, including the US, that project is currently undergoing investigation by the Bank's Inspection Panel.
The Effort to Stop PetroChina: Organizations Involved
American Anti-Slavery Group, Boston, MA 617-426-8161
AFL-CIO, Washington, DC e-mail: Brees@aflcio.org phone: 202-637-5313
Center for International Environmental Law, Washington, DC e-mail: bpenhoet@ciel.org phone: 202.785.8700
Freedom House, Center for Religious Freedom, Washington, DC e-mail: religiousfreedom@cs.com phone: 202.296.5101
Friends of the Earth, Washington, DC e-mail: mchan@foe.org phone: 202 783 7400 x 242
Human Rights Watch, Washington, DC e-mail: ganesaa@hrw.org phone: 202.612.4329
International Campaign for Tibet, Washington, DC e-mail: ackerlyict@igc.org phone: 202.785.1515
International Committee of Lawyers for Tibet, San Francisco, CA e-mail: raziclt@igc.org phone: 510.486.0588
The Milarepa Fund, San Francisco, CA e-mail: jc@milarepa.org phone: 415.553.8533
National Wildlife Federation, Washington, DC e-mail: tanner@nwf.org phone: 202.797.6602
Project Underground, Berkeley, CA e-mail: carwil@moles.org phone: 510.705.8981
The Ruckus Society, Berkeley, CA e-mail: han@ruckus.org phone: 510.585.9565
Students for a Free Tibet, New York, NY e-mail: john.sft@juno.com phone: 202.594.5898
Trillium Asset Management, Boston (617) 423-6655 x 225
US Business and Industry Council, Washington, DC phone: 202-728-1980
US Tibet Committee, New York, NY e-mail: ustc@igc.org phone: 212.481.3569
The William J. Casey Institute, Washington, DC phone: 202.223.8034
TAKE ACTION
Much like the proposed World Bank resettlement project, the PetroChina deal will set a sinister precedent for destructive development of the Tibetan Plateau for Chinese interests. If PetroChina is successful it will pave the way for China to list similar deals on international markets and Tibet's future will be for sale to the highest bidder. We have only until April 6th -- one week left -- to stop this deal!
1. SEND LETTER TO ARTHUR LEVITT the Chairman of the Securities Exchange Commission, and demand that he put the PetroChina offering into a "cooling-off period." This type of delay will allow ample opportunity for the SEC to review the numerous securities violations and to achieve greater transparency of the risks involved with the deal -- and is our best shot at stopping the deal all together! Please send a carbon copy of this e-mail to our PetroChina campaign staff so we can keep track of how many letters have been sent.
2. CONTACT YOUR REPRESENTATIVE, in Congress and ask him/her to urge the House Commerce Sub-Committee on Oversight and Investigations to conduct emergency hearings on the PetroChina IPO. The Securities Exchange Commission is accountable to the US Congress and a hearing is our best chance of exposing the fatal flaws in this deal so it can be stopped. To find your Representative or Senator click here, call the Capitol Switchboard at 202.224.3121, or check in your local telephone directory.
3. WRITE YOUR STATE TREASURER, and ask that your State pension fund and other state controlled investments do not buy PetroChina stock. It is crucial that public funds are not used to invest in this risky and unprincipled company. It is also critical that State Treasurers are educated about the severe implications of this deal, so that future attempts by the Chinese government to list companies exploiting resources in Tibet will not be able to move forward.
To find out who your State Treasurer is click here or check in your local telephone directory. Please ask everyone you know to do these actions and check back to this website for updates and breaking news about this important campaign. Thank you in advance for your help!
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Top Human Rights Body Meeting in Geneva
The 56th Session of the United Nations Commission on Human Rights has begun. Few other forums have greater credibility to discuss the ongoing rights violations of the Tibetan people, and no other forum provides a more valuable opportunity to highlight and review China's overall human rights record.
Unfortunately, for 7 of the last 8 years China has managed to block any resolution critical of its record by using a procedural tactic called a no-action motion. In doing so, members of the Commission were prevented from casting their votes, despite obtaining initial sponsorship. This tactic has frustrated multilateral dialogue on legitimate concerns of the international community, disempowering it in the process. Therefore, when the 53 members of the Commission convene in Geneva from March 20 until April 28 to discuss international human rights concerns, it is crucial that governments actively support sponsorship of a resolution and discourage others from voting for a no-action motion.
Even if the resolution ultimately fails, members of the Commission should be permitted to at least vote their conscience and place on record the dire situation facing Tibetans in occupied Tibet. Write, e-mail or fax your President/Prime Minister, Foreign Minister, or your country’s UN Representative in Geneva. Visit this site to get you the address for the UN representative.
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Tibetan Who Made Flag Protest Committed Suicide in Custody
Tibet Information Network ~ March 23
Tashi Tsering, the Tibetan who staged a protest in Lhasa last August by lowering the Chinese flag in front of the Potala Palace, died in police custody on 10 February by cutting his jugular vein with a razor-blade, according to reports received by TIN this week. His wife Lhadron is currently in prison under suspicion of involvement with her husband's protest. Several security personnel, both Tibetan and Chinese, who were guarding Tashi Tsering in custody have been questioned by the authorities in order to establish how the razor-blade was obtained.
Tashi Tsering, a building contractor in his thirties, had attempted to commit suicide at the time of his protest but failed to ignite the crude explosives strapped around his body before he was detained. He was beaten so severely by security personnel that he was unable to walk by the time he was taken into custody.
The latest information, which shows that reports of Tashi Tsering's death published by TIN last October were incorrect, states that his protest took place on 26 August, three days after the completion of the National Minority Games in Lhasa. Security had been intensified in Lhasa during the Games, promoted by the authorities as an expression of Chinese national unity in the buildup to the 1 October anniversary of the foundation of the People's Republic of China. Tashi Tsering was detained after he was caught lowering the Chinese flag in the Potala Square and attempting to raise the Tibetan national flag, which is banned in Tibet.
According to reports received by TIN, Tashi Tsering was charged in October 1999 and killed himself on 10 February, following several unsuccessful suicide attempts. His wife Lhadron, who was detained for questioning immediately after the detention of her husband on 26 August, was accused of conspiring with her husband and assisting him with his protest. Lhadron, who is from Lhasa, was reportedly charged in November and is now in prison. It is not known whether some relatives of Tashi Tsering who were also detained for questioning following his protest at the end of August are still in detention.
Tashi Tsering, who was from Lhokha prefecture (Chinese: Shannan) in the Tibet Autonomous Region, came to Lhasa to work as a carpenter and began work as a contractor about five years ago. He won an award from the local community for work he did at his own expense, putting up new buildings and providing furniture for a primary school near Sera monastery. He leaves two children, one of whom is handicapped.
Eyewitness reports of Tashi Tsering's detention in the Potala Square on 26 August last year indicate that Tashi Tsering was detained by four or five security police and beaten so badly that his hands and feet may have been broken and his arm fractured. According to these reports, his head was also struck against the back of the vehicle. The policeman on traffic duty who initially apprehended Tashi Tsering was formally congratulated by the authorities for his "contribution to public security".
On 21 October 1999 Xinhua reported that Xu Mingyang, executive vice chairman of the TAR, had "denied some foreign reports claiming that the man who attempted the explosion was killed in a local prison...The criminal, a farmer from the suburbs of Lhasa, the regional capital, is still alive and has confessed all his criminal activities, showing willingness to correct himself". The Xinhua report did not mention Tashi Tsering's state of health, and did not specify whether he had been sentenced. Had he lived, it is likely that Tashi Tsering would have faced a severe sentence due to the nature of his protest at a politically sensitive time. It is not known whether his 34-year old wife Lhadron has been sentenced, and her current condition in prison is also unknown.
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By A. Tom Grunfeld
The flight of the 17th Karmapa Lama from Tibet to India in January 2000 catapulted Tibet back into the world headlines, creating an opportunity for both China and the U. S. to reassess their policies toward Tibet.
Tibet's status has been intertwined with China since the 7th century through marriages, wars, and treaties. Mongol conquests in the 13th century made Tibet part of a Mongol-ruled Chinese state, while four centuries later the ethnic Manchu Q'ing dynasty further incorporated Tibet into China. In 1912 the13th Dalai Lama's unilaterally declared independence in 1912 but two years later signed a treaty granting Chinese "suzerainty" and direct rule over "Inner Tibet" while "Outer Tibet" remained under Tibetan autonomy. When the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) reestablished strong central government in 1949, Tibet was regarded as politically "integral" with China but in fact so autonomous that Beijing insisted on a incorporation "treaty" to preempt any claims of independence. But the CCP refrained from stamping out feudalism and theocratic rule. Twice in the 1950s Mao Zedong assured the Dalai Lama that China would make no further inroads against de facto Tibetan autonomy. This policy, however, applied only to Outer Tibet or what was later called the Tibet Autonomous Region (TAR). Other ethnic Tibetan areas, known as Amdo and Kham (Inner Tibet) underwent political transformation.
This process of integration sparked rebellion, and minor insurrections in Kham/Sichuan turned into open revolt by1956. Soon support came from the U. S. Central Intelligence Agency (CIA), which as eager to destabilize the communist government. China's suppression of a 1959 revolt forced the Dalai Lama and 50-60,000 Tibetans into exile. Beijing then subjected the TAR to political and social integration, ending Lhasa's autonomous rule. During the Cultural Revolution the Red Guards, both Chinese and Tibetan, engaged in wholesale destruction of almost every religious building in Tibet, paralleling antireligious campaigns throughout China. From exile, the Dalai Lama directed refugee resettlement and guerrilla warfare--although he officially renounced all violence. CIA support encouraged insurgent Tibetans to continue their war for independence, but the CIA was more interested in harassing communist China than in Tibetan independence.
Following the 1971 visit to Beijing by Secretary of State Henry Kissinger, the U.S. cut off its support to the Tibetan resistance. The Tibetan rebellion of 15 years quickly dissipated; the Tibetans had been unable to create a sustainable, free-standing military force after 15 years.
By the late 1970s China began relaxing its grip on Tibet. In 1978 the Panchen Lama was released from detention, and he began championing the preservation of Tibetan culture. A new round of Dalai Lama-Beijing contacts resulted in several Tibetan-exile delegations visiting Tibet. After these talks faltered in the1980s, the Dalai Lama decided to promote his cause internationally, believing that increased foreign pressure generated by his "Tibet Lobby" would force Beijing to renew serious negotiations. Rising international attention and continued unrest in Tibet sparked a policy debate within China. The moderates argued for more freedom for Tibetan cultural practices and the return of the Dalai Lama, while the hardliners (many of them Tibetan governmental and party officials) urged ending ties to the Dalai Lama and repressing all expressions of Tibetan nationalism.
After the Panchen Lama's sudden death in January 1989, the Dalai Lama was invited for religious funerary ceremonies in Beijing. Even though he was assured that there would be an opportunity for direct high-level talks, the Dalai Lama declined the invitation after his advisers pointed out that the international campaign was giving his cause increasing prominence and objected to the continuing prohibition against his visiting Lhasa. The decision not to go to Beijing and renew direct negotiations was probably the gravest error of his political life. He did, however, agree with the Chinese leadership to accept the reincarnation of the 17th Karmapa in 1992, and there was the suggestion that the Dalai Lama could assist in searching for the 11th Panchen Lama. But tensions escalated again in 1995 when the Dalai Lama (without first consulting Beijing) announced a boy had been selected. The designee and his family were arrested, and Beijing enthroned its own candidate. Since then there has been no progress in Chinese-Dalai Lama relations.
U.S. policy has done little to help resolve the Tibet issue. It is a policy that ignores the complex history, is driven by domestic politics, and is inherently contradictory. While officially recognizing Tibet as part of China, the U.S. Congress and White House unofficially encourage the campaign for independence.
Problems with Current Tibet Policy
Washington in 1943 declared that "...the Government of the United States has borne in mind the fact that the Chinese Government has long claimed suzerainty over Tibet...This Government has at no time raised a question regarding ...these claims." In line with the policy of its Nationalist llies (Guomindang), the U.S. later officially recognized Chinese sovereignty over Tibet. This position remains U.S. policy today, and it is also the policy of China and Taiwan.
Not until the cold war did Tibet become of interest to the U.S. government, which initiated secret talks with Tibetan dissidents in 1950 on the premise that Tibetans were fighting communism not Chinese rule. Washington promised covert aid to Tibetan dissidents if the Dalai Lama would leave China and publicly denounce Beijing. At that time, the Dalai Lama refused to leave Tibet. The CIA threw its covert support to a burgeoning guerrilla movement.
In 1959 the Dalai Lama fled Tibet, and he immediately began receiving an annual U. S. stipend of $180,000 for himself and another $1, 550,000 for his cause (which presumably ended in 1971).
In the late 1980s the Dalai Lama's Tibet Lobby found a receptive hearing with the U. S. Congress, whose members were angry at China over nuclear proliferation, trade imbalances, prison labor, and human rights. Hearings were held, amendments added to bills condemning "human rights violations" in Tibet and calling it an "occupied country." In September 1987, when the Dalai Lama was in the U.S. promoting the Tibet Lobby, the first demonstrations in three decades broke out in Lhasa. Continuing for several weeks, the protests were met with harsh police repression. Undoubtedly expressions of U. S. "support" helped spur on the demonstrators, as Tibetans wrongly interpreted congressional testimony and nonbinding congressional resolutions as evidence of a changing U.S. policy. But official U.S. policy remains unaltered. After 1971 U.S. interest in Tibet had waned as relations with China warmed. Mounting pressure from the Tibet Lobby in the 1980s, however, complicated the policy environment.
In keeping with its principles of its early alliance with the Nationalists/Taiwan and with the principles of its relations with Beijing, Washington had never recognized Tibetan independence (nor the Dalai Lama's "government-in-exile" despite its covert support). But the vociferous U.S. opposition to communist China combined with the rising popularity of the Dalai Lama's cause pressured the White House to open some space in its public diplomacy for the Tibetan issue, resulting in yet another irritant in Sino-U.S relations. Washington's failure to articulate a consistent and definitive policy has displeased all sides: anti-China politicians, the Tibet Lobby, and the Chinese. Moreover, Washington's ambivalence and equivocations have proved harmful to Tibetans living in Tibet.
During the 1980s, CCP moderates paved the way for increased usage of the Tibetan language, the rebuilding of religious buildings (with more in some regions now than before 1951), and encouragement of Tibetan culture.
Officials in power were willing to solidify these policies with the Tibetan pontiff. However, their inability to consummate a deal with the Tibetan religious leadership, the continuing popular protests, and the escalating China-bashing in the U.S. strengthened the power of the CCP hardliners.
U.S. public diplomacy skirts the independence issue, focusing on criticism of human rights abuses. Yet recent concessions and overtures to the Tibet Lobby are seen as evidence by CCP hardline factions that Washington's ultimate goal is to fracture China. Such initiatives as the establishment of Radio Free Asia (RFA), the 1998 appointment of a Special Coordinator for Tibet (a State Department employee who works part-time on Tibet and whom China will never allow into Tibet or to play any role in Chinese-Tibetan affairs), and invitations to the Dalai Lama to the White House have served to strengthen the anti-Dalai Lama, anti-U. S. positions of the hardline CCP faction.
This faction has fostered increased repression in Tibet, outlawed pictures of the Dalai Lama, encouraged increased ethnic Chinese migration into Tibet, tightened security in monasteries, obstructed religious practices, and forced monks and Tibetan officials to undergo "patriotic" retraining.
As a result, there has been rising animosity toward Chinese rule and increased expressions of Tibetan nationalism--including some terrorism such as bombs in Lhasa. Indeed, these anti-Tibetan policies precipitated the flight of the 17th Karmapa, a 14-year old boy who had previously expressed loyalty to the Chinese state.
Restrictions on Tibetan culture, especially religion, also led to the 1964 denunciation of Chinese rule by the Panchen Lama and his subsequent 14-year detention. Once more, repressive practices, which have been fueled in part by ill-considered U.S. practices, alienated a prominent cleric. In the offing, there remains the possibility that the CCP moderates can use this unfortunate development to illustrate the bankruptcy of the hardline approach.
Toward A New Tibet Policy
The departure of the Karmapa Lama should spur Washington to reevaluate the failures of its ambiguous policy approach. It is time--after a long history of CIA betrayal, congressional grandstanding, and White House pandering to China bashers--for the U.S. to implement policies that truly help the people inside Tibet.
Sadly the spiraling success of the international campaign for Tibet has led to a proportional deterioration of the cultural conditions for the people in the TAR through its bolstering of the authority of the hard-liners.
Moreover, support from outside Tibet (especially Tibetan RFA broadcasts) persuades some Tibetans that the U.S. supports their cause and encourages them to continue their brave but futile struggles against Chinese rule.
Time is short. The Dalai Lama is 65; his death would rob Tibetans of the only person with sufficient authority to negotiate a deal with Beijing. In the absence of a negotiated solution, current Chinese policies are allowing a mass migration of sojourners into the TAR to the point where they may already outnumber the indigenous population in the urban areas where they congregate. The Dalai Lama, like his predecessor, is willing, as he declared in April 1999, to "use my moral authority with the Tibetan people so they renounce their separatist ambitions"... autonomy would be the "best guarantee that Tibet's culture will be preserved."
China, including the TAR, has undergone dramatic changes. Tibet has roads, schools, hospitals, a burgeoning middle class, Internet cafes, karaoke bars, discos, and some 100,000 tourists a year. Religion is widely practiced. There are thousands of Tibetan officials, CCP members, and military recruits in Tibet. Indeed, many of the most ardently anti-Dalai Lama officials are Tibetan. To be sure restrictions on religious practice continue and institutional religion has eroded badly, the average income and literacy rate are the lowest in China and animosity between ethnic groups is growing. There are as many as a thousand political prisoners, mostly clergy who peacefully demonstrated against Chinese rule. Clearly, the political conjuncture in Tibet is far more complex than the Tibet Lobby (and Chinese propaganda) portrays.
While condemning human rights abuses, the U.S. must also acknowledge the significant gains in personal freedoms for the vast majority of China's citizens. The Dalai Lama's public pronouncements have become more conciliatory recently; an indication he is reaching out to moderate officials who, while apparently not directing policy on Tibet, are still in the government. The U.S. must do the same: support the moderate elements in the Chinese government by portraying Tibet in a more realistic fashion, by inviting Tibetan officials in Lhasa to Washington, and by not pandering to the Tibet Lobby.
The events of the past decade have demonstrated that public diplomacy, international hoopla, and the involvement of the world's governments, especially the United States, have worsened conditions for the Tibetans in Tibet. More realistic policies can help bring about a peaceful resolution of the Tibet issue which is in the interests, and to the benefit, of both Tibetans and Chinese and, ultimately, the rest of the world.
(A. Tom Grunfeld is Professor of History at SUNY/Empire State College. He is the author of The Making of Modern Tibet (Armonk, NY: M. E. Sharpe Inc., 1996).)
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NGO Statements Criticise China At UN Commission On Human Rights
Tibet Bureau ~ March 29
The 56th UN Commission on Human Rights is now debating one of the most important items of its agenda, "The question of human rights and fundamental freedoms." This is the item under which resolutions tabled on country situation will come for vote on 18 April.
A large number of NGOs strongly criticised China for its human rights failures in China,Tibet and Eastern Turkestan. More NGO statements are expected to be delivered before the Commission concludes its debate on this topic. Earlier during the day a number of government statements also expressed concern on the human rights situation in China. We will publish the references on China and Tibet from these statements in the next update.
Tomorrow, the 30 March, will see a lot of Tibet events both inside and outside the United Nations in Geneva. At 10.00 hours Mr. Richard Gere, Chairman of International Campaign for Tibet and Mr. Lodi G. Gyari, Special Envoy of H. H. the Dalai Lama will appear at "Power Breakfast" meeting with journalists accredited at the UN office in Geneva.
Around the same time, a Tibetan Vigil will be held outside the UN building as organised by the Tibetan Community in Switzerland and Tibetan organisation in the country. The Vigil will conclude at 17.00 hours. A small vigil is also expected to be held at the Permanent Mission of the European Union.
Between 13.00 -15.00 hours, a panel discussion on the topic, "Human Rights and Dialogue for Tibet" will be held inside the UN as organised by Worldview International Foundation. This is a parallel meeting NGOs with ECOSOC status can organised during the Commission on Human Rights. The speakers at the Tibet discussion on Tibet include Mr. Lodi G. Gyari, Mr.Richard Gere, Ms. Mo Li Hua, a Chinese scholar from Sweden and Dr. Michael van Walt, Professor of International Law.
At 18.00 hours, Mrs. Chungdak Koren, Representative of H. H. the Dalai Lama in Geneva and Worldview International Foundation will hold a Reception in honour of the speakers at the Tibet panel discussion at the delegate's Restaurant at the UN. Government delegations and NGOs attending the Commission have been invited to the reception.
In this update, we produce the text of two statements on Tibet delivered by Ms. Dolma Choephel and Ms. Mo Li Hua to the 56th UN Commission on Human Rights today.
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Oral Statement on Behalf of International Union of Socialist Youth (IUSY)
by Dolma Choephel, Tibet Bureau ~ March 29
"Thank you, Chairperson,
The International Union of Socialist Youth (IUSY) is an organisation representing member organisations from more 100 countries in this world. In this statement today, we wish to inform the Commission about the realities of the human rights situation in Chinese-occupied Tibet. In his 10 March Statement this year, the Dalai Lama described the current policies of the Chinese authorities in Tibet as "narrow-minded and reveal the ugly face of racial and cultural arrogance and a deep sense of political insecurity."
The Dalai Lama also said that "the development concerning the flights of Agya Rinpoche, the Abbot of Kumbum Monastery, and more recently Karmapa Rinpoche are cases in point. However, the time has passed when in the name of national sovereignty and integrity a state can continue to apply such ruthless policies with impunity and escape international condemnation."
For the past many years, thematic mechanisms of this Commission have regularly documented evidence that the human rights situation in Tibet is getting worse. Yet the Commission on Human Rights has been prevented from adopting a resolution on China. Last year one delegation, while supporting China’s "no-action" motion, remarked that to single out one country or group of countries for criticism in the absence of persistent egregious violations was not productive. Let us therefore look at the realities in Tibet today:
i) Since the visit of the Special Rapporteur on Religious Intolerance to Tibet in 1994, the Chinese authorities have banned the public display of His Holiness the Dalai Lama's photograph and jailed the 10-year-old Panchen Lama of Tibet at an undisclosed location. Beijing now wants to transform Tibet into an "atheist" region and since 1996 more than 11,000 monks and nuns were expelled for opposing China's "patriotic re-education" campaign at monasteries and nunneries. In view of this situation, we urge the Chinese authorities to receive the Special Rapporteur on Religious Intolerance for a follow-up visit at an early date.
ii) Since 1988, i.e., after China ratified the UN Convention Against Torture, the deaths of 69 known Tibetan political prisoners as a direct result of torture have been recorded in Tibet. The Special Rapporteur on Torture of this Commission continues to express concern on the persistent use of torture or degrading methods in Tibet. Every year Tibetan political prisoners are dying as a consequences of torture. In this respect, IUSY appeals to the Special Rapporteur on Torture not to ignore Tibet during the official mission to China this year.
iii) In December 1999, there were 615 known Tibetan political prisoners in Chinese prisons according to the Tibetan Centre for Human Rights and Democracy based in India. One of them is Ngawang Choephel, a Tibetan ethnomusicologist sentenced in 1996 to 18 years in prison on charges of espionage. The Chinese Government recently admitted that he has developed symptoms of bronchitis, pulmonary infection, and hepatitis. In May 1999, the Working Group on Arbitrary Detention, in an opinion categorised his detention as "arbitrary" being in contravention with international human rights standards. Since1996 China has refused the numerous requests for a visa by his mother to visit him in prison.
Chairperson, these trends of persistent egregious violations of human rights and fundamental freedoms in Tibet cannot be ignored by member countries of this Commission. When the Commission fails to act and help put an end to the human rights violations in Tibet and China, the Commission only encourages China to commit more violations. We believe, the Commission should not choose such a path as we enter the 21st century.
In conclusion, the IUSY urges this Commission to adopt a resolution on China for committing gross and systematic violations of human rights and fundamental freedoms in Tibet. We, of course, endorse the conduct of bilateral or multilateral dialogue on human rights with China. But when, as the evidence shows, such dialogue brings no tangible results for the people on the ground is only used by China as a means to avoid censure by this Commission, we believe it is essential for this Commission to speak out plainly and to take action. The adoption of such a resolution on China will send a clear message to all the political prisoners held by the Chinese authorities that the international community is hearing their call. Thank you, Chairperson.
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Oral Statement on Behalf of Worldview International Foundation
by Mo Li Hua, (CET) ~ March 29
Mr. Chairman,
Earlier this month the spokesperson of the Chinese Foreign Ministry was quoted by news agencies as proclaiming that today China enjoys the best situation of human rights in its history. As a Chinese who cannot now freely live in China, I do not agree to that statement like majority of the people in China. My own experience as a teacher who publicly criticised the Chinese government for its role in the 4 June 1989 massacre in Beijing has been devastating. I was imprisoned for almost three years for exercising my freedom of speech.
Today the call for a democratic China is once again suppressed as the leaders of the Democratic Party of China and many other dissidents were given harsh prison sentences for speaking up. The unreasonable ban on the practice of Falun Gong is another indication of disregard for basic human aspiration or believes. The Chinese Government even intercept donations sent by some people in different countries for the victims' families on the 4 June 1989 massacre in Beijing.
Mr. Chairman, when we speak of human rights, bodies like this Commission, cannot forgot the most vulnerable ones on our human planet. The oppressed, as we learned in the 20th century, generally become the victims who suffer the most. The situation of human rights in Tibet is one such example. The Chinese authorities has been committing gross and systematic violations of human rights and fundamental freedoms in Tibet with impunity. The international community just looks on! As a Chinese I condemn the policies implemented in Tibet by the Chinese Government.
Like other Chinese of my generation, I grew up thinking that China really "liberated" Tibet. We actually believed that the Chinese government was helping the Tibetans to be free from what the Beijing leadership calls, "serfdom". But when we had access to independent information on what actually transpired, we could not believe how the government indoctrinated us into believing its propaganda on Tibet.
Mr. Chairman, today more than 40 years after the People=EDs Liberation Army forced its way into Tibet, Tibetans remain denied of their basic human rights, including the freedom of expression, the freedom to propagate and to practice their religion and the freedom to preserve their distinct culture and language. These days communist cadres regularly enter monasteries and nunneries to conduct the so-called "patriotic re-education" sessions whereby monks and nuns are forced to either denounce the Dalai
Lama or to declare their support for the child the Chinese government picked to be the Panchen Lama. More than 11,000 monks and nuns have been expelled for opposing these indoctrination sessions, a human rights report said last month. The Dalai Lama in his 10 March Statement this year, described the current situation in Tibet as "witnessing the return of an atmosphere of intimidation, coercion and fear, reminiscent of the days of the Cultural Revolution."
Mr. Chairman, many Chinese are against the continued and unchecked atrocities being committed in Tibet by the Chinese Government. This realisation will definitely spread when more people in China learn about the true nature of the Chinese presence in Tibet. A lot of people in China will also support the policy of the Dalai Lama to seek genuine self-rule in Tibet through a negotiated peaceful settlement of the Tibetan issue. Some
analysts in China believe that the Chinese government is buying time as far as the Tibetan issue is concerned. In late 1999 a confidential Chinese document was revealed. In it a senior Chinese official is quoted as saying the following. "We have no need to engage in dialogue with the Dalai Lama. The Dalai Lamas return to China will bring a great risk of instability. We will then not be able to control Tibet. The Dalai Lama is now fairly old.
At the most, it will be ten years before he dies. When he dies, the issue of Tibet is resolved forever. We, therefore, have to use skilful means to prevent his return."
Against this background, the people of Tibet or for that matter, the people of China, have no other way to appeal but to forums like this Commission whose thematic mechanisms continue to document the human rights abuses in Tibet and China. This Commission has the moral obligation to make countries, big or small, fully accountable for their human rights failures. The Commission on Human Rights should also not ignore the fact that a Security Council member of the United Nations is holding a 10-year-old boy Tibetan boy as the world’s youngest political prisoner.
In conclusion, Mr. Chairman, if the UN Commission on Human Rights requires a credible outlook in the 21st century, member-countries cannot ignore the plight of the Tibetan people as it has done in the 20th century. We cannot belittle the world’s longest non-violent freedom struggle by such discrimination. It is, therefore, appropriate for the Commission on Human Rights, this year to unanimously act on China and adopt a resolution which will greatly help to promote and protect human rights in China and Tibet.
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Senate Passes Resolution Commemorating Lhasa Uprising And Calls For Negotiations
by Mary Beth Markey, International Campaign for Tibet (ICT) ~ March 10
The Senate marked the 41st anniversary of Tibet's National Uprising on March 10, 1959 by passing S.Res.60 establishing a TIBETAN DAY OF COMMEMORATION in the Senate. The resolution also calls on China to begin serious negotiations between China and the Dalai Lama to achieve a peaceful solution to the situation in Tibet. S.Res.60 passed by unanimous consent on March 9, before the Senate adjourned for the week-end. Senator Connie Mack (R-FL), its principal sponsor, evoked the memory of "the more than 87,000 Tibetans who struggled for the preservation of Tibet" and "the 6 million Tibetans today who keep alive the hope of freedom in Tibet and the tens of thousands of exiles who hope to return home." Senator Mack also urged President Clinton who has publicly raised the issue of Tibet with Chinese President Jiang Zemin to use his final months in office to "do what he can to get negotiations started between the Dalai Lama and the People's Republic of China."
ICT welcomed the Senate action and Bhuchung Tsering, ICT Director, expressed his hope that this most recent gesture on the part of the Congress "would encourage the Tibetans people not to abandon non-violence or support for His Holiness the Dalai Lama's approach to finding a solution for Tibet."
The full texts of Senator Mack's remarks in the Senate and S.Res.60 follow: S.RES.60
A resolution recognizing the plight of the Tibetan people on the 41st anniversary of the Lhasa Uprising and calling for serious negotiations between China and the Dalai Lama to achieve a peaceful solution to the situation in Tibet.
Whereas during the period 1949-1950, the newly established communist government of the People's Republic of China sent an army to invade Tibet;
Whereas the Tibetan army was ill equipped and outnumbered, and the People's Liberation Army overwhelmed Tibetan defenses;
Whereas, on May 23, 1951, a delegation sent from the capital city of Lhasa to Peking to negotiate with the Government of the People's Republic of China was forced under duress to accept a Chinese-drafted 17-point agreement that incorporated Tibet into China but promised to preserve Tibetan political, cultural, and religious institutions;
Whereas during the period of 1951-1959, the failure of the Government of the People's Republic of China to uphold guarantees to autonomy contained in the 17-Point Agreement and the imposition of socialist reforms resulted in widespread oppression and brutality;
Whereas on March 10, 1959, the people of Lhasa, fearing for the life of the Dalai Lama, surrounded his palace, organized a permanent guard, and called for the withdrawal of the Chinese from Tibet and the restoration of Tibet's independence;
Whereas on March 17, 1959, the Dalai Lama escaped in disguise during the night after two mortar shells exploded within the walls of his palace and, before crossing the Indian border into exile two weeks later, repudiated the 17-Point Agreement;
Whereas during the `Lhasa uprising' begun on March 10, 1959, Chinese statistics estimate 87,000 Tibetans were killed, arrested, or deported to labor camps, and only a small percentage of the thousands who attempted to escape to India survived Chinese military attacks, malnutrition, cold, and disease;
Whereas for the past forty years, the Dalai Lama has worked in exile to find ways to allow Tibetans to determine the future status of Tibet and was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize for his efforts in 1989;
Whereas it is the policy of the United States to support substantive dialogue between the Government of the People's Republic of China and the Dalai Lama or his representatives;
Whereas the State Department's 1999 Country Report on Human Rights Practices finds that `Chinese government authorities continued to commit serious human rights abuses in Tibet, including instances of torture, arbitrary arrest, detention without public trial, and lengthy detention of Tibetan nationalists for peacefully expressing their political or religious views.';
Whereas President Jiang Zemin pointed out in a press conference with President Clinton on June 27, 1997, that if the Dalai Lama recognizes that Tibet is an inalienable part of China and Taiwan is a province of China, then the door to negotiate is open;
Whereas all efforts by the U.S. and private parties to enable the Dalai Lama to find a negotiated solution have failed;
Whereas the Dalai Lama has specifically stated that he is not seeking independence and is committed to finding a negotiated solution within the framework enunciated by Deng Xiaoping in1979; and
Whereas China has signed but failed to ratify the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights: Now, therefore, be it Resolved, That is is the sense of the Senate that--
(1) March 10, 2000 should be recognized as the Tibetan Day of Commemoration in solemn remembrance of those Tibetans who sacrificed, suffered, and died during the Lhasa uprising, and in affirmation of the inherent rights of the Tibetan people to determine their own future; and
(2) March 10, 2000 should serve as an occasion to renew calls by the President, Congress, and other United States Government officials on the Government of the People's Republic of China to enter into serious negotiations with the Dalai Lama or his representatives until such a time as a peaceful solution, satisfactory to both sides, is achieved.
Mr. MACK. Mr. President, S. Res. 60, makes March 10, 2000 the Tibetan Day of Commemoration.
This marks the forty-first anniversary of the 1959 Lhasa uprising over the course of which over 87,000 Tibetans were killed, arrested, or deported to labor camps by the People's Liberation Army. So tomorrow, we honor the memory of the more than 87,000 Tibetans who struggled for the preservation of Tibet. We also honor the 6 million Tibetans today who keep alive the hope of freedom in Tibet and the tens of thousands of exiles who hope to return home.
The Dalai Lama of Tibet has issued a statement for this anniversary which I would ask unanimous consent appear in the record immediately following my remarks.
From 1949, when the new communist government in Beijing sent an army to invade Tibet, through to the present, Tibet has been a victim of PLA tyranny, oppression, and cultural genocide.Unfortunately, there has been no respite from persecution over the past year and Tibetans in the world today are facing the very real and unfortunate threat of seeing their homeland and culture obliterated.
According to the most recent State Department Report on Human Rights, `Chinese government authorities continued to commit serious human rights abuses in Tibet, including instances of torture, arbitrary arrest, detention without public trial, and lengthy detention of Tibetan nationalists for peacefully expressing their political or religious views.' Things continue to get worse in Tibet, and this resolution recognizes their ongoing struggle with the PRC.
President Clinton has demonstrated an interest in Tibet and has spoken to President Jiang Zemin both privately and publicly, urging him to begin serious negotiations with the Dalai Lama. I urge President Clinton in the final months of his administration to match his rhetoric with actions and do what he can to get negotiations started between the Dalai Lama and the People's Republic of China.
I am pleased that we have acted today to formally recognize the continual denial of basic rights to the people of Tibet and to encourage a peaceful resolution between China and the Dalai Lama, or his representatives, as an entire body. We can agree unanimously and in a bipartisan manner that there should be a peaceful resolution to this situation and that this Senate can stand united in our support for the Tibetan people, the preservation of their culture, and the right for them to negotiate peacefully for an end to over 50 years of brutal rule by the PRC.
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Statement of His Holiness the Dalai Lama on the Occasion of the 41st Anniversary of the Tibetan National Uprising
March 10, 2000 (ICT)
My sincere greetings to my fellow countrymen in Tibet as well as in exile and to our friends and supporters all over the world on the occasion of the 41st anniversary of the Tibetan National Uprising Day of 1959.
We are at the beginning of the 21st century. If we look at the events that took place in the 20th century mankind made tremendous progress in improving our material well-being. At the same time, there was massive destruction, both in terms of human lives and physical structures as peoples and nations sought recourse to confrontation instead of dialogue to resolve bilateral and multilateral problems. The 20th century was therefore in a way a century of war and bloodshed.
I believe that we have learned valuable lessons through these experiences. It is clear that any solution resulting from violence or confrontation is not lasting. I firmly believe that it is only through peaceful means that we can develop better understanding between ourselves. We must make this new century a century of peace and dialogue.
We commemorate this March 10th anniversary at a time when the state of affairs of our freedom struggle is complex and multifarious, yet the spirit of resistance of our people inside Tibet continues to increase. It is also encouraging to note that worldwide support for our cause is increasing. Unfortunately, on the part of Beijing there is an evident lack of political will and courage to address the issue of Tibet sensibly and pragmatically through dialogue.
Right from the beginning, ever since the time of our exile, we have believed in hoping for the best but preparing for the worst. In this same spirit, we have tried our best to reach out to the Chinese government to bring about a process of dialogue and reconciliation for many years.
We have also been building bridges with our overseas Chinese brothers and sisters, including those in Taiwan, and to enhance significantly mutual understanding, respect and solidarity. At the same time we have continued with our work of strengthening the base of our exiled community by creating awareness about the true nature of the Tibetan struggle, preserving Tibetan values, promoting nonviolence, augmenting democracy and expanding the network of our supporters throughout the world.
It is with great sadness I report that the human rights situation in Tibet today has taken a critical turn in recent years. The `strike hard' and `patriotic re-education' campaigns against Tibetan religion and patriotism have intensified with each passing year. In some spheres of life we are witnessing the return of an atmosphere of intimidation, coercion and fear, reminiscent of the days of the Cultural Revolution. In 1999 alone there have been six known cases of deaths resulting from torture and abuse. Authorities have expelled a total of 1,432 monks and nuns from their monasteries and nunneries for refusing to either oppose Tibetan freedom or to denounce me. There are 615 known and documented Tibetan political prisoners in Tibet.
Since 1996, a total of 11,409 monks and nuns have been expelled from their places of worship and study. It is obvious that there has been little change with regard to China's ruthless political objective in Tibet since the early sixties when the late Panchen Lama, who personally witnessed Communist China's occupation of Tibet from the 50s to the beginning of the 60s, wrote his famous 70,000 character petition. Even today the present young reincarnate Panchen Lama is under virtual house arrest, making him the youngest political prisoner in the world. I am deeply concerned about this.
The most alarming trend in Tibet is the flood of Chinese settlers who continue to come to Tibet to take advantage of Tibet's opening to market capitalism. This along with the widespread disease of prostitution, gambling and karaoke bars, which the authorities quietly encourage, is undermining the traditional social norms and moral values of the Tibetan people. These, more than brute force, are successful in reducing the Tibetans to a minority in their own country and alienating them from their traditional beliefs and values.
This sad state of affairs in Tibet does nothing to alleviate the suffering of the Tibetan people or to bring stability and unity to the People's Republic of China. If China is seriously concerned about unity, she must make honest efforts to win over the hearts of the Tibetans and not attempt to impose her will on them. It is the responsibility of those in power, who rule and govern, to ensure that policies towards all its ethnic groups are based on equality and justice in order to prevent separation. Though lies and falsehood may deceive people temporarily and the use of force may control human beings physically, it is only through proper understanding, fairness and mutual respect that human beings can be genuinely convinced and satisfied.
The Chinese authorities see the distinct culture and religion of Tibet as the principal cause for separation. Accordingly, there is an attempt to destroy the integral core of the Tibetan civilization and identity. New measures of restrictions in the fields of culture, religion and education coupled with the unabated influx of Chinese immigrants to Tibet amount to a policy of cultural genocide.
It is true that the root cause of the Tibetan resistance and freedom struggle lies in Tibet's long history, its distinct and ancient culture, and its unique identity. The Tibetan issue is much more complex and deeper than the simple official version Beijing upholds. History is history and no one can change the past. One cannot simply retain what one wants and abandon what one does not want. It is best left to historians and legal experts to study the case objectively and make their own judgements. In matters of history political decisions are not necessary. I am therefore looking towards the future.
Because of lack of understanding, appreciation and respect for Tibet's distinct culture, history and identity China's Tibet policies have been consistently misguided. In occupied Tibet there is little room for truth. The use of force and coercion as the principal means to rule and administer Tibet compel Tibetans to lie out of fear and local officials to hide the truth and create false facts in order to suit and to please Beijing and its stewards in Tibet. As a result China's treatment of Tibet continues to evade the realities in Tibet. This approach is shortsighted and counter-productive. These policies are narrow-minded and reveal the ugly face of racial and cultural arrogance and a deep sense of political insecurity.
The development concerning the flights of Agya Rinpoche, the Abbot of Kumbum Monastery, and more recently Karmapa Rinpoche are cases in point. However, the time has passed when in the name of national sovereignty and integrity a state can continue to apply such ruthless policies with impunity and escape international condemnation. Moreover, the Chinese people themselves will deeply regret the destruction of Tibet's ancient and rich cultural heritage. I sincerely believe that our rich culture and spirituality not only can benefit millions of Chinese but can also enrich China itself.
It is unfortunate that some leaders of the People's Republic of China seem to be hoping for the Tibetan issue to disappear with the passage of time. Such thinking on the part of the Chinese leaders is to repeat the miscalculations made in the past. Certainly, no Chinese leader would have thought back in 1949/50 and then in 1959 that in 2000 China would still be grappling with the issue of Tibet. The old generation of Tibetans has gone, a second and a third generation of Tibetans have emerged. Irrespective of the passage of time the freedom struggle of the Tibetan people continues with undiminished determination. It is clear that this is not a struggle for the cause of one man nor is it that of one generation of Tibetans. It is therefore obvious that generations of Tibetans to come will continue to cherish, honor and commit themselves to this freedom struggle. Sooner or later, the Chinese leadership will have to face this fact.
The Chinese leaders refuse to believe that I am not seeking separation but genuine autonomy for the Tibetans. They are quite openly accusing me of lying. They are free to come and visit our communities in exile to find out the truth for themselves. It has been my consistent endeavor to find a peaceful and mutually acceptable solution to the Tibetan problem. My approach envisages that Tibet enjoy genuine autonomy within the framework of the People's Republic of China. Such a mutually beneficial solution would contribute to the stability and unity of China--their two topmost priorities--while at the same time the Tibetans would be ensured of the basic right to preserve their own civilization and to protect the delicate environment of the Tibetan plateau.
In the absence of any positive response from the Chinese government to my overtures over the years, I am left with no alternative but to appeal to the members of the international community. It is clear now that only increased and concerted international efforts will persuade Beijing to change its policy on Tibet. In spite of immediate negative reactions from the Chinese side, I strongly believe that such expressions of international concern and support are essential for creating an environment conducive for the peaceful resolution of the Tibetan problem. On my part, I remain committed to the process of dialogue. It is my firm belief that dialogue and a willingness to look with honesty and clarity at the reality of Tibet can lead us to a viable solution.
I would like to take this opportunity to thank the numerous individuals, governments, members of parliaments, non-governmental organizations and various religious orders for their support. The sympathy and support shown to our cause by a growing number of well-informed Chinese brothers and sisters is of special significance and a great encouragement to us Tibetans. I also wish to convey my greetings and express my deep sense of appreciation to our supporters all over the world who are commemorating this anniversary today. Above all I would like to express on behalf of the Tibetans our gratitude to the people and the Government of India for their unsurpassed generosity and support during these past forty years of our exile.With my homage to the brave men and women of Tibet who have died for the cause of our freedom, I pray for an early end to the sufferings of our people.
The International Campaign for Tibet is a non-profit membership organization which monitors and promotes internationally recognized human rights in Tibet.
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Parents of Buddhist Leader Detained
by Renee Shoof, World Tibet Network News ~ March 1
China has detained the parents of a 14-year-old Buddhist leader as part of a widening investigation into the Karmapa's January escape from Chinese-ruled Tibet to India, a monitoring group reported Wednesday.
In recent weeks authorities have closed the Karmapa's monastery to visitors, detained two security workers, replaced monks who managed the Tsurphu monastery and questioned others, warning them to improve their ``political attitudes,'' the London-based Tibet Information Network said, citing sources it did not identify.
Authorities took the Karmapa's parents, Dhondup and Loga, from their home in Lhasa and put them under close surveillance in Chamdo, a region in eastern Tibet where they previously lived as nomadic yak herders, the group said.
The report came on the day U.N. Human Rights Commissioner Mary Robinson opened a conference in Beijing on protecting human rights in Asia. It also followed the recent release of a U.S. State Department report on human rights abuses in China, including Tibet.
A Chinese government spokesman in Lhasa denied the Tibet Information Network report, calling it ``rumors.'' The spokesman, who gave his name as Zhangxi, said the Karmapa's parents and people at his monastery had not been detained and Tsurphu remained open.
The flight of the 17th Karmapa Lama was an embarrassment for China, underscoring its inability to cultivate leading Buddhist figures to help legitimize its often brutal 50-year rule over Tibet.
Since arriving in India Jan. 5, the Karmapa has spoken out about Tibet's lack of religious freedom, warned that Tibetan culture is faced with extinction and paid tribute to the Dalai Lama - the exiled spiritual leader Beijing reviles. In the months before he fled, the Karmapa had grown unwilling to meet Beijing's demands for demonstrations of allegiance and had come to fear his safety, the Tibet Information Network reported.
The Karmapa refused to denounce the Dalai Lama or publicly recognize a boy the Chinese government appointed as the Panchen Lama, another supreme Tibetan Buddhist figure, the group said. Another boy the Dalai Lama named as the Panchen Lama has not been seen in public in nearly five years and is believed to be under house arrest.
Last year, monks discovered two Chinese men hiding under blankets in the library of the Karmapa's monastery in what the pair admitted was a for-hire attempt to kill the lama, the report said.
In his escape, the Karmapa left Tsurphu by vehicle with four companions, but at times they got out to hike and climb in the mountains to avoid checkpoints, the report said.
Once across the Himalayas in Mustang, a remote Tibetan area that is part of Nepal, the Karmapa flew by commercial helicopter to the Nepalese city of Pokhara and from there he went to Dharamsala, India, seat of the Dalai Lama's exiled government, the report said.
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Dalai Lama Government Worried Over Chinese Crackdown After Lama Escape
March 1, (AFP) The Dalai Lama's exiled Tibetan government expressed concern Wednesday over a Chinese crackdown following the flight of a senior Tibetan monk to India earlier this year. Tashi Wangdi, minister for religion and culture in the exiled Tibetan administration, told AFP from the northern Indian hill resort of Dharamsala that Beijing had launched "severe measures" after the escape of the Karmapa Lama.
The 14-year-old lama -- who heads one of the four schools of Tibetan Buddhism -- arrived in Dharamsala on January 5 after escaping from his monastery in the Tibetan capital Lhasa.
Wangdi said sources in Tibet had reported the Karmapa Lama's aged parents, Karma Dhondup and Loga (Eds: one name), had been expelled from Lhasa to the eastern Tibetan prefecture of Chamdo. He said they had been kept under tight security and added two officials in charge of security at the monastery from where the Karmapa Lama had escaped had been arrested.
"We are obviously concerned about their condition. We hope that the Chinese authorities would not take reprisals on the family members," Wangdi said. "It is unfortunate that these people are being subjected to these kind of restrictions and difficulties. In the long run it does not help. It does not lead to any solutions and can only antagonise the people and aggravate the situation."
According to the London-based Tibet Information Network (TIN), the Karmapa Lama had been the target of an attempted assassination in the summer of 1998, which could have prompted his escape. Two Chinese men were found with knives and explosives in the library of the monastery, near the room which housed the Karmapa. They apparently admitted being paid money to kill the lama but were soon released by Chinese authorities without trial, TIN said.
The Karmapa's escape has severely embarrassed Beijing and put New Delhi, which gave asylum to the Dalai Lama and about 100,000 Tibetan refugees but wants better ties with China, in an uncomfortable position.
The Karmapa is recognised by both China and the Dalai Lama, and many Tibetan exiles feel he could succeed the Dalai Lama as head of the Tibetan freedom movement.
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